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Cécile Fatiman wasn't muslim


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Dougan (Scribe)
January13, 2017
(Updated : Feb. 28, 2017)

The revisionist thesis advocating the islamism of the Haitian revolution, through the Bois Caiman (Bwa Kayiman) ceremony, should never have been taken seriously, as soon as it was known that during this ceremony a woman officiated the sacrifice of a sacred pig whose blood was drunk by the participants. But, given the systemic and chronic weakness of the Haitian intelligentsia, the revisionist predators allowed themselves to dare the illogical. And their urban legend has germinated both with the alienated Haitians and with their foreign allies. But all this ends here. Because the joke has run long enough, and the Haitian ancestral intelligence resumes its rights.


1- Who was the woman officiating that service ?

Haitian author Hérard-Dumesle, shortly after his Voyage dans le Nord, (Journey in the North), unveiled the holding of the Morne Rouge meeting of August 14th 1791, followed one week later by the ceremony in which a young woman sacrificed an animal (1). This young priestess was called Cécile Fatiman. However, her identity remained unknown for a long time. And never the world would have been informed of her existence, if it relied on colonized historians such as Jean Fouchard who, as early as 1953 (2), was busy speculating on the supposed higher knowledge of the islamized captives. Cécile Fatiman's identity was unveiled in 1954 by historian Étienne D. Charlier, based on the testimony of General Pierrot Benoît Rameau, the great-grandson of Madame Fatiman, and a hero of the resistance against the American occupation of Haiti (1915-1934) :
"Cécile FATIMAN, femme de Louis Michel PIERROT, qui commanda un bataillon indigène à Vertières et devint plus tard Président d'Haïti, participa à la cérémonie du Bois-Caïman: elle était une mambo. Fille d'une Négresse africaine et d'un Prince corse, Cécile FATIMAN était une Mulâtresse aux yeux verts et à longue chevelure noire et soyeuse et avait été vendue avec sa mère à Saint-Domingue. La mère avait également deux fils qui disparurent au hasard de la traite, sans laisser de traces. Cécile FATIMAN vécut au Cap jusqu'à l'âge de 112 ans, en pleine possession de ses facultés.
Nous tenons ces renseignements du Général Pierrot Benoit RAMEAU, petit-fils de Louis Michel PIERROT et de sa femme, qui nous a autorisé à les rendre publics. On sait que le Général RAMEAU est l'un de nos héros nationaux, dont on parle très peu, probablement parce qu'il est vivant et, par suite, encombrant. En effet, en 1915, lorsque survint l'intervention militaire nord-américaine, il guerroyait dans le Nord comme Général en Chef des troupes de Rosalvo BOBO. D'accord avec celui-ci, et malgré toutes les offres alléchantes de l'envahisseur, il s'opposa à la Convention qu'il combattit les armes à la main: ce qui lui valut plus de onze années de prison et la subtilisation de sa fortune.
Dans la plus complète indifférence, "l'homme haïtien" d'aujourd'hui, ce curieux sous-produit de notre grande Histoire, voit passer ce vieillard étrange, tout à fait d'un autre âge: de l'âge de notre grandeur, qu'il faut saluer bien bas, malgré son français informe où s'expriment une logique implacable et l'honneur national porté au plus haut point: vos 100.000 dollars ne peuvent pas approvisionner mon honneur, Capitaine Waller! répondit RAMEAU à l'occupant qui voulait l'acheter : Toussaint- Louverture, Dessalines et la plupart de nos grands Chefs de 1804 ne parlaient pas plus élégamment. L'entrevue de Rameau avec le Colonel Waller et l'Amiral Caperton eut lieu aux Dattes des Gonaives, à la maison de plaisance de Mr. Désert, en Septembre 1915, en présence du consul américain Woel, père de Mr. Gaston Woel."
(3)
Translation :
"Cécile FATIMAN, wife of Louis Michel PIERROT, who commanded an indigenous battalion in Vertières and later became President of Haiti, participated in the Bois-Caïman ceremony: she was a mambo. Daughter of an African Negress and a Corsican Prince, Cécile FATIMAN was a mulatto with green eyes and long black silky hair and had been sold with her mother in Saint-Domingue. The mother also had two sons who disappeared at random from the slave trade, leaving no traces. Cécile FATIMAN lived in Cape [Haitian] until the age of 112, in full possession of her faculties. 
We have this information from General Pierrot Benoit Rameau, grandson of Louis Michel Pierrot and his wife, who has authorized us to make them public. We know that General Rameau is one of our national heroes, of whom we speak very little, probably because he is alive and, consequently, cumbersome. Indeed, in 1915, when the North American military intervention occurred, he fought in the North as General-in-Chief of Rosalvo BOBO's troops. In agreement with the latter, and in spite of all the tempting offerings of the invader, he opposed the Convention that he was fighting with arms in his hand: which earned him more than eleven years in prison and the confiscation of his fortune. 
In the most complete indifference, "the Haitian man" of today, this curious by-product of our great history, sees this strange old man pass from quite another age: from the age of our greatness, one to bow low in front of, in spite of his formless French, where an implacable logic and national honor are carried to the highest point: your $ 100,000 can not supply my honor, Captain Waller! Replied Rameau to the occupier who wished to buy it: Toussaint Louverture, Dessalines, and most of our great chiefs of 1804, spoke no more elegantly. Rameau's interview with Colonel Waller and Admiral Caperton took place at the Dates of the Gonaives, at the house of Mr. Desert in September 1915, in the presence of the American consul Woel, father of Mr. Gaston Woel.
Putting aside his heroic journey and the accuracy of his testimony, it should be noted that General Rameau did indeed identify his great-grandmother Cécile Fatiman as a Mambo and not a muslim priestess - a liturgical position that doesn't exist in the misogynist monotheistic islamic religion. For if Cécile Fatiman were of muslim faith, the word mambo - meaning an ancestral priestess - would certainly not have been used by her great-grandson who, on the contrary, would have specified her muslim singularity. Moreover, Charlier, collecting the testimony in question, unequivocally described this ceremony of Bois Caiman as "an imposing vodou ceremony." (4).

Here is the genealogy of General Rameau who was not the grandson but the great-grandson of Cécile Fatiman and President Jean-Louis-Michel Pierrot.
  1. Cécile FATIMAN + Jean-Louis-Michel PIERROT
  2. Alfred PIERROT + Marguerite Avelina FRANCOIS
  3. Anne Marie Altagrâce PIERROT + NN RAMEAU
  4. Pierre Benoit RAMEAU (5)
So, according to Hérard-Dumesle's account, the priestess at this ceremony called "Bois Caiman" was a young, not an old woman. For Cécile Fatiman was 16 years old in 1791. And this is entirely in line with the statements of her great-grandson who affirmed that she died at the age of 112. Indeed, she was born outside of the Saint Domingue colony in 1775, and died in Cape-Haitian in 1887. (But the date 1883 is suggested by some sources).


2- Use of the Fatiman surname is the West

The islamic sounding of "Fatiman" was enough for all the revisionists to declare, without proof, that the manbo was muslim. In 1992, Gérard Barthélémy began the hostilities by claiming the islamity of Cécile Fatiman :
"La légende populaire a rapporté d'autres indices curieusement complémentaires. Il s'agit en l'occurrence du nom de la prêtresse, dont la tradition a relié le sort à celui de Boukman, lors de la cérémonie de Bois-Caïman. Celle-ci s'appelait Cécile Fatiman selon Étienne Charlier qui rapporte cette anecdote.
(…)
Fatiman est, s'il en fut, un prénom musulman, qui curieusement émerge au coeur même de cette cérémonie." (6)
Translation :
"Popular legend has brought back other curiously complementary clues. One of which is the name of the priestess, whose fate tradition has linked to that of Boukman, at the ceremony of Bois-Caïman. She was named Cécile Fatiman according to Étienne Charlier who reports this anecdote.
(...)
Fatiman is, if it was, a muslim name, which curiously emerges at the very heart of this ceremony.
"
Then Charles Najman followed in 1995, also declaring, without proving it, that Cécile Fatiman had a muslim name :
"Cécile Fatiman, une mambo dont l'histoire est reliée par la tradition à Boukman, portait, elle aussi, un nom musulman. Elle émerge côté de Boukman au coeur de la cérémonie du Bois Caïman en égorgeant un animal dédié aux dieux d'Afrique. Femme de Louis-Michel Pierrot, qui commanda un bataillon indigène à Vertières, Cécile Fatiman, une mulâtresse aux yeux verts et à la la longue chevelure noire, était fille d'une Africaine et d'un prince corse. Elle vécut au Cap jusqu'à l'âge de 112 ans..." (7)
Translation :
"Cécile Fatiman, a mambo whose history is linked by tradition to Boukman, also bore a muslim name. She emerges by Boukman's side in the heart of the Bois Caïman ceremony by slaughtering an animal dedicated to the gods of Africa. Wife of Louis-Michel Pierrot, who commanded an indigenous battalion at Vertières, Cécile Fatiman, a mulatto with green eyes and long black hair, was the daughter of an African and a Corsican prince. She lived in Cape [Haitian] until the age of 112..."
Three years later, in 1998, Sylviane Diouf, the Senegalese, had the audacity to change the name of "Fatiman" into "Fatima", in order to make it coincide with the name of one of Mohamed's daughter :
"In addition to Boukman, there was a woman who has been described as a mambo (voodoo priestess) at Bois-Caïman. Her name was Cecile Fatiman and she later became the wife of a president of Haiti. Her mother was an African and her father a Corsican. It is probable that her second name was Fatima, like that of Muhammad's favorite daughter, and she may have been a Muslim." (8)
And if we are to believe the revisionists, the name "Fatiman" could only come from African islam. However, the most rudimentary research reveals that the surname "Fatiman" belonged to the Western and French linguistic corpus, centuries before the implantation of the slave trade. It was the name of the nephew of Almanzor, that is to say Al Mansûr, the conqueror of the Iberian Peninsula from the year 978 to 1002 :




 "Near her bower the Countess Julia
By the evening twilight strays,
Fatiman, Almansor's nephew
Captures there the blooming maid." (9)


In other words, Westerners knew the Fatiman name more than eight centuries before the ceremony of Bois Caïman, or more than 3 centuries before the said discovery of America by the Spaniards.


Fatiman in Western literature

For centuries, many Western literary works have featured characters named Fatiman. This following example comes from a 1696 comedy stage play, meaning 95 years prior to the Bois Caïman ceremony of 1791.
Langlois Antoine Jacob Montfleury. Le Mary Sans Femme ou D. Brusquin Dalvarage, comédie en cinq actes. La Haye, 1696.

Fatiman is the main character of this popular play :





"ACTEURS [personnages]
D. BRUSQUIN Dalavare : Gentilhomme Espagnol.
(...)
FATIMAN : Gouverneur d'Alger.
(...)
La Scène est dans Alger.
Les préparatifs du Mariage de
Célime & de Fatiman, donnent
lieu à des Entrées, qui séparent
les Actes."
 Translation :
"CHARACTERS
D. BRUSQUIN Dalavare : Spanish Gentleman
(...)
FATIMAN : Governor of Algiers.
(...)
The Scene is in Algiers.
Preparations for the Marriage of
Célime & de Fatiman, make
way for Entrances, which separate
the acts
"  
This play, "Le Mary Sans Femme ou D. Brusquin Dalvarage", has repeatedly been translated and re-edited, which helped the name "Fatiman" spread in Europe and the slave colonies including Saint Domingue (Haiti), where it was given to captives without them being islamized.


3- The Fatiman first name in the colony

According to the revisionists, Cécile Fatiman was a mulatto born in muslim Africa. But the historical facts reveal that the use of "Fatiman" in the colony, either as a first name or a surname was not a sign of islam. On the contrary, "Fatiman" was as common or christian as "Apollon" or "Julien". And as such, the colonists named their captives "Fatiman" regardless of the ethnic origin of such captives, or their contact, if any, with islam.

Our first spotting of "Fatiman" comes from the prison registers of Port-au-Prince on April 26, 1783, 8 years before the Bois Caïman ceremony :
"Au Port-au-Prince, le 9 de ce mois, Fatiman, se disant appartenir au nommé Jean-François Lilavois, M.L. [Mulâtre Libre] en cette ville." (10)
Translation :
"In Port-au-Prince, on the 9th of this month, Fatiman, says to belonging to the so-called Jean-François Lilavois, M.L. [Free Mulatto] in this city."
If the ethnic origin of this "Fatiman" was not provided, it leaves us to think that he was a Creole (therefore of a captive born in the colony). For Creole was the neutral or default ethnic group in Saint Domingue. Otherwise, an effort would have been made to specify his foreign origin.

But a year later, still in Port-au-Prince, we found, in the prison registers of April 17, 1784, a Mandingo captive named "Fatiman" :


 
"Au Port-au-Prince, le 2 de ce mois, Fatiman, Mandingue étampé AUTURO, au-dessous JACMEL, autant qu'on a pu le distinguer, ne pouvant dire son nom ni celui de son maître." (11)  
Translation :
"In Port-au-Prince, on the 2th of this month, Fatiman, Mandingo stamped AUTURO, underneath JACMEL, as far as could de distinguished, unable say his name nor that of his master."
Was this "Fatiman" islamized because being a Mandingo? Not necessarily, since islamity, among the Mandingoes, varied according to the individuals and their origins. Moreover, there still exist traditional Mandingoes in the mainland, who are therefore non-muslim. However, the possibility that this particular captive was islamized also exists.
What is certain is that in 1784, 7 years before Bois Caïman, this Mandingo captive "unable to say his name" (which suggests that the name "Fatiman" was attributed to him by his jailers), "nor that of his master", was not politicized to the point of being automatically made the leader of all the ethnic groups ; as the revisionists claim
.

Moreover, five years later, again in Port-au-Prince, in June 1789, we found this ad proving that "Fatiman" was randomly assigned to the captives. That ad displays a Mandingo captive carrying, in "Narcisse", a christian name, probably sharing the same cell with a Coulango called "Fatiman" :


  
"Le 19, Narcisse, Mandingue, étampé BREVILIER, autant qu'on a pu le distinguer, se disant appartenir à M. Buzez, à l'Arcahaye : le 20, Fatiman, Coulango, sans étampe apparente, ayant des marques de son pays sur la figure & sur le dos, se disant appartenir à M. Henry, ne pouvant dire sa demeure." (12)
Translation :
"On the 19th, Narcisse, Mandingo, stamped BREVILIER, as far as could be distinguished, claiming to belong to M. Buzez, at Arcahaye: on the 20th, Fatiman, Coulango, without apparent stamp, having marks of his country on his face and on his back, saying he belonged to Mr. Henry, not being able to say his dwelling."
This "Fatiman" of Coulango ethnicity (also called Colango, Coulingo or Coulongue in Saint Domingue, in reference to Loango, the capital city of the Loango Kingdom (1550-1883), north of the Congo-Angola Kingdom) was not islamized due to hailing from the Central "African" West coast.
 .


 Source : https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loango_%28R%C3%A9publique_du_Congo%29

Coming from Loango (a city in present day Republic of Congo), he was then, due to prolonged contact with the Portuguese, more exposed to Catholicism than to islam. For the latter religion was known only to Central-Eastern Congo through the Swahili linking Central Congo to Eastern "Africa".
 

Fateman name given to a Bambara captive (non-muslim)

There were also a Bambara captive bearing the name of Fateman. That shows the banality of this name in Saint Domingue. Especially since the Bambara are a Mandinka language people known for having rejected islamic conversion :

"Au Port-au-Prince, le 27 du mois dernier, (...) & Fateman, nation Bambara, rouge de peau, sans étampe apparente, se disant à la nommé Poncette, Mulâtresse libre." (13)

Translation :
"In Port-au-Prince, on the 27th of last month, (...) & Fateman, Bambara nation, red-skinned, without apparent stamp, saying to belong to Poncette, free Mulatto woman."

Fatime or Fatmé, first name of a Meseurade captive (non-muslim)

It would be quite difficult for anyone to maintain the notion that "Fatiman" was extremely rare as a forename in the colony, since we even found the name "Fatime", sometimes allocated to a Congo, sometimes to an Ibo, and other times to a Meseurade. Such a wide distribution goes a long way demonstrating the banality of this surname in the colony.
For example, on May 11, 1785, this runaway ad mentions a captive bearing two first-names: Eugénie and Fatime. This 20-year-old woman is described as being of Meseurade ethnicity, therefore, originating
from Cape Mesurado (Near Monrovia, Liberia's capital) :


"Une négresse nommée Eugénie & Fatime, Meseurade, étampée DE CLERVILLE, âgée d'environ 20 ans, de petite taille, & très-noire de peau, marronne depuis 18 jours. Ceux qui en auront connaissance, sont priés de la faire arrêter & de la renvoyer à Mdme. Clairville, actrice attachée au Spectacle du Cap." (14)
Translation :
"A negress named Eugenie & Fatime, Meseurade, stamped DE CLERVILLE, about twenty years old, of small stature, and very black of skin, has been marooning for 18 days. Those who are acquainted with her, are requested to have her arrested and sent back to Madame. Clairville, actress attached to the Spectacle du Cap."

 
"Eugénie Fatmé, Meuserade, étampée sur le sein gauche DE CLERVILLE, appartenant à M. Regnaut, Maître de Musique au Cap, pour l’avoir acquise de Madame veuve Clairville, par Acte au rapport de Mes Maureau & son Confrère, Notaires de ce Siège. Ceux qui en auront connaissance sont priés d’en donner avis audit sieur Regnault, à qui elle appartient. Il y aura deux portugaises de récompense." (15)
Translation :
"Eugénie Fatmé, Meuserade, stamped DE CLERVILLE on the left breast, belonging to M. Regnaut, Master of Music at Le Cap, for having acquired her of widow Madame Clairville, by Act to the report of Sir Maureau and his associate. Notaries. Those who are acquainted with her are requested to give notice thereof to the said Regnault, to whom she belongs. There will be a two Portuguese reward."
It should be noted that this Liberian area of Cape Mesurado wasn't islamized but traditionalist - with the exception of some Mandinka speaking Vai and Kpelle groups established all around, and to which this Meuserade or Meseurade captive known as Eugénie, Fatime or Fatmé may well have belonged.
Can also be pointed out that this group called Meuserade in Saint Domingue and throughout French Americas, was also known as Canga. Far from constituting the name of a Liberian ethnic group, Canga designates "slave" in Baoulé language. And "orphan" is its synonym. This connection between the words "slave" and "orphan" allows us to establish an "African" origin to the dishonorable practice called "Restavèk", that is to say, the domestic serfdom of disinherited children in Haiti.

Fatime, first name of a Congo woman (non-muslim)

Here, we have a Congo captive, from predominantly traditionalist or catholic background, been attributed "Fatime" as first name :

 
"Au Port-au-Prince, le 30 du mois dernier, Fatime, Congo, sans étampe, ayant des marques de son pays sur les deux seins, âgée de 30 ans, taille de 5 pieds, laquelle a dit appartenir à M. Macassée, au Petit-Goave." (16)
Translation :
"In Port-au-Prince, on the 30th of last month, Fatime, Congo, without stamp, having her country's markings on both breasts, aged 30, size 5 feet, which said to belong to Mr. Macassée, At the Petit-Goave."

Fatime, first name of an Ibo woman (non-muslim)

This time, it's an Ibo, coming from traditionalist Southern Nigeria, that has been called Fatime :
 
"Au Fort-Dauphin (...) Le 18, Fatime, nation Ibo, âgée de 24 ans, étampée sur le sein gauche GRA & autres lettres illisibles, ayant des marques de son pays." (17)
Translation :
"At Fort-Dauphin (...) On the 18th, Fatime, Ibo nation, 24 years old, stamped on the left breast GRA and other letters illegible, having marks of her country."
These examples demonstrate that several variants of "Fatiman", namely "Fateman", "Fatime", "Fatmé", etc. circulated in the colony; for men as well as for women, for "Africans" as much as for Creoles. Which means that this name, in the Saint Domingue colony, had no religious attachment. And had an even less of an islamic attachment. Although some islamized captives might have retained this name in parallel with their newly-given christian names.


4- Origin of the name "Fatiman" of Cécile

Since Cécile Fatiman was a mulatto, from a Corsican father, the revisionists then shimmer on the "African" origin of her mother as a token of islamic ties. But they have it all wrong. For Cécile's mother was not named Fatiman, but Célestina Coidavid, a name known in Saint Domingue. As evidence, here's the State of Military Service of a certain Jacques Coidavie, (a variant of Coidavid) former sergeant of militia, who became brigadier in charge of the 2nd regiment of free troops. He was born in Saint Domingue (Cap Français) in 1737.



Source : http://anom.archivesnationales.culture.gouv.fr/ark:/61561/up424souuuy

"Coidavie"'s Military Service State hints at the possibility that Célestina Coidavid, Cécile Fatiman's mother, could have settled in the colony sooner than commonly thought. Or at least, she could have as easily come from a Caribbean island such as Martinique, Guadeloupe, and so on. And when we consider that Cécile was the sole Célestina Coidavid's offspring to bear the name (or first name) of Fatiman, then we must turn towards her paternal side for her name's origin.

"Fatiman" and the Corsican royal filiation

Few people know that Corsica, constantly under foreign powers' influence, had, from 1736 to 1738, briefly endowed itself with a King. If indeed Cécile Fatiman came from a Corsican prince, then it can only from that lineage. This brief Corsican King was called Theodore-Stephan Neuhoff. He was a Baron by birth, and he was, as they like to say, a German adventurer who had settled in Corsica in quest of fortune and glory. Corsica then in conflict with Genoa (Italy) on which it depended, found in Theodore Neuhoff, full of military resources, the key to its sovereignty. And having received ammunition from Tunisia, Baron Theodore, according to this Genoese manifesto, made a triumphal entry into Corsica, "dressed as a Turk" :
"Nous Doge, Gouverneurs & Procurateurs de la République de Gènes, etc, etc.
Avons appris qu'un certain Personnage fameux habillé à la Turque, a débarqué dans nôtre Royaume de Corse du coté d'Aleria, où il s'était rendu avec quelques Munitions de Guerre à bord d'un petit Batiment, commandé par le Capitaine Dick, Anglais..." (18)
Translation:
"We, Doge, Governors, and Procurators of the Genoa Republic. etc, etc.
We learned that a certain notorious character dressed as a Turk, landed in our Kingdom of Corsica on the side of Aleria, where he had gone with some War Munitions aboard a small ship, commanded by Captain Dick, English..."
  

Source : Ernest d'Hervilly, (Dessin d'Henri Pille). Héros légendaires : Leur véritable histoire. Paris, 1889.

In spite of his middle-eastern accoutrements, Baron Theodore was indeed of christian faith. And it was from a Corsican Catholic kingdom that he became King, on April 15, 1736, under the regal name of Theodore I :



"CAPITULATION DU ROI THÉODORE

Au nom et à la gloire de la Sainte Trinité, Père, Fils et St. Esprit : de l'Immaculée Conception de la B. V. Marie Protectrice de ce Royaume, et de la Sainte Devote, Avocate du même Royaume.
Aujourd'hui Dimanche 15 Avril 1736. Le Royaume de Corse ayant formé une Assemblée générale légalement intimée et convoquée par ordre des Excentissimes Généraux Hiacinthe de Paoli et Louis Giafferi dans l'endroit nommé Alesani, après une longue et mûre discussion que les Principaux du Royaume ont faite entr'eux, les Peuples ont déterminé et statué, comme ils déterminent et statuent, d'élire un Roi et de vivre sous lui, et ils ont reçu, acclamé et accepté pour leur Roi le Seigneur THÉODORE…" (19)
Translation :
"CAPITULATION OF THE THEODOR KING

In the name and glory of the Holy Trinity, Father, Son and Holy Spirit: of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Protector of this Kingdom, and of the Holy Devote, Advocate of the same Kingdom.

Today Sunday 15th April 1736. The Kingdom of Corsica having formed a General Assembly legally responded and summoned by order of the magnificent Generals Hiacinthe de Paoli and Louis Giafferi in the place named Alesani after a long and mature discussion that the Principals of the Kingdom have made among themselves, the Peoples have determined and ruled, as they determine and rule, to elect a King and live under him, and they have received, acclaimed and accepted for their King the Lord THEODORE...
"
Since he has maintained a close relationship with muslim rulers, it is not unthinkable that Theodore was exposed to the first name "Fatima". Thus, Cécile Fatiman, who is said to have come from a "Corsican Prince", and therefore from a descendant of Theodore, could have received this muslim-sounding name, in memory of Theodore's passage to the throne, thanks to muslim support. That's what we initially thought. But it wasn't so.

The following excerpt proves that the name of Cécile Fatiman does not derive from "Fatima" but rather from "Attiman", the name of one of
Theodore I's christian companions :
"Nous avons jugé à propos de les informer de la véritable qualité et condition de cet Homme, conformement aux preuves et témoignages authentiques que Nous en avons.
Il tire son Origine d'un Cantan de la Westphale, et se fait nommer le Baron Théodore de Neuhoff. (...) En Corse il se fait appeler Théodore.
(...)
Il est allé ensuite à Tunis, où il a exercé la Medecine et tenu plusieurs conférences secrètes avec les Chefs des Infidèles [musulmans]. Il a su en tirer des armes et des munitions de guerre avec lesquelles il s'est transporté en Corse, accompagné de Christoffaro, frère du Medecin Buongiorni à Tunis, de trois Turcs, parmi lesquels se trouve un certain Mahomet, qui fut autrefois Esclave sur les Galères de Toscane; de deux jeunes Livournois, Attiman et Bondelli, fugitifs de leurs Maisons paternelles, et d'un Prêtre de Porto-Ferraïo que les Pères Missionnaires de Tunis ont jugé à propos d'éloigner pour de justes raisons.
(...) 
Fait dans nôtre Palais Royal le 9 Mai 1736. 
Guiseppe Maria." (20)
Translation :
"We have thought fit to inform them of the true quality and condition of this Man, in conformity with the authentic evidence and testimony we have of Him.
He draws his Origin from a Westphalia
Cantan, and goes by the name of Baron Theodore of Neuhoff. (...) In Corsica he was called Theodore.
(...)
He then went to Tunis, where he practiced Medicine and held several secret conferences with the leaders of the [muslim] Infidels. He learned how to draw arms and munitions of war with which he traveled to Corsica, accompanied by Christoffaro, brother doctor Buongiorni in Tunis, along with three Turks, among whom is a certain Mahomet, who was once a slave on The Galleys of Tuscany; along with two young men from Livorno, Attiman and Bondelli, fugitives from their paternal houses, and a priest from Porto-Ferraio, whom the Missionary Fathers of Tunis thought fit to remove for just reasons.
(...)
Done in our Royal Palace on May 9, 1736.
Guiseppe Maria."

The information contained in this Genoese manifesto is of great value. Alarmed by the loss of its Corsican protectorate, Genoa became well informed on Theodore, his rival, as well as on the identity of his accomplices. The Genoese senate published this manifesto on May 9, 1736, that is to say, less than a month after Theodore took the throne on April 15th, 1736. And this manifesto presented, as Theodore's companions, both muslims (of whom one or two were named Mahomet (Mohammed)), and christians (including a catholic priest). The name "Attiman" was also presented. Was he a christian or a muslim? His full name says plenty about his provenance and his faith. His name was Gregorio Attiman :

"The number and miscellaneous nature ot those Neuhoff recruited for his expedition attest to his powerful charisma. Dr. Buongiorno's younger brother, Christoforo, was one of them. There were two young men from Leghorn [Livorno] called Gregorio Attiman and Antonio Bondelli, who were said by the Genoese edict to be runaways from home (then a grave charge), and three Turks named Salla, Mahomet, and Montecristo." (21)
So this young Gregorio Attiman was a christian who, like his friend Antonio Bondelli, served as a page or valet to Theodore. (22) He was born in Livorno (Leghorn), an Italian port city adjacent to the island of Corsica :

Source : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Livorno

In summary, the Corsican documents show that Cécile was not really called Fatiman. Her name was rather Cécile Attiman, in reference to Gregorio Attiman. It is quite possible that this heroine's full name was Cécile Attiman Coidavid, and that "Attiman" served as her middle name, as was customary in her time. A deformation of "Attiman" into "Fatiman" seems to have taken place. And this may have come from one of three sources: 1) from the descendants of Theodore, one of whom may have transmitted this deformation to Célestina Coidavid, Cécile Fatiman's mother; 2) or, over time, from Cécile's Haitian offspring, who relie on orality as a mean of genealogical conservation ; 3) or, given that no text attests "Fatiman" prior to 1954, from a bad reception on the part of Étienne D. Charlier, during his interview with old General Rameau mumbling "Fatiman" as the name of his great-grandmother ; Unless Charlier, as a Haitian intellectual, had the arrogant reflex to correct "Attiman", that Rameau said, into "Fatiman" which would have seemed more probable to him.
 

Is the Corsican royal filiation real?

Let us analyze various avenues in order to detect the truth about Cécile Fatiman's so-called Corsican filiation :

A) A tangible trail comes from England where Theodore, ex-King, died exiled in 1756. Two years later, in 1758, Colonel Felice Frederick, known as Neuhoff (1725-1796 / 97), presented himself as Theodore's natural son. The strong majority of his contemporaries believe him. While some historians take him either for a Polish usurper, or for Theodore's nephew.
The important point here is that Frederick viewed himself seriously as a prince, and he had a daughter by the name of Elisabeth, who was the mother of novelist Emily Clarke (1778-1833), publicly recognized as the descendant of Colonel Frederick, son of Theodore :

 "Ianthé ; or the Flower of Caernarvon. Dedicated to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. By Emily Clarke, Grand-daughter of the late Colonel Frederick, Son of Theodore, King of Corsica." (23)
Similarly, Frederick had "a son (killed, still young, during the American War)" [1775-1783]. (24) And this military son, Elisabeth's brother and Emily Clarke's uncle, believing himself a Corsican prince, may well have had a relationship with Célestina Coidavid, Cécile Fatiman's mother, in America. On this point, the dates coincide :
  1. Baron Théodore-Stephan Neuhoff was born in 1690, was King from 1736 to 1738 and died in 1756.
  2. Frederick Neuhoff, calling himself his son and Prince, was born in 1725, and died in 1796/1797.
  3. Therefore, at the age of 50, Frederick could have been grandfather in 1775, Cécile Fatiman's birthdate ; knowing that his legitimate son, a soldier, was in America around 1775; And probably prior.
The city of Charleston, close to Boston, seems to be the meeting place of Cécile Fatiman's parents. For it is asserted that, handsome, young, and intelligent, Frederick Neuhoff's son served in the ranks of General Howe, who, very much impressed, made him lieutenant :
"He was introduced by Sir John Dryden, Bart., then an officer in the guards, to Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, who was exceedingly kind to him, and actually purchased a commission for him. On his arrival in America he was noticed by General Howe, then Commander-in-chief, and advanced to the rank of lieutenant but he was soon cut off during the war." (25) 
Indeed, on June 17, 1775, 19 of General Howe's Lieutenants perished during the murderous battle of Bunker Hill in Charleston. The name of Frederick's son (with a lady of honor of the German Empress Marie Thérèse, The Great) is not available, thus, his identification on the list of killed officers proves to be hazardous. However, miraculously, 1775 connects both the battle of Bunker Hill and Cécile Fatiman's birth outside of the Saint Domingue colony.

B) Corsica, before being annexed to France, was traditionally populated by Italians. And here, we've found a higher than average number of Italian-sounding first names in Cécile Fatiman's family ; which slightly supports the Corsican hypothesis :
  • Célestina Coidavid (Mother of Cécile Fatiman)
  1. Cécile Pierrot, née Fatiman (Attiman)
  2. Noele Coidavid, known as Prince Noele (Brother)
  3. Louisa Geneviève Pierrot, née Melgrin (Sister)
  4. Marie-Louisa Henry, née Coidavid-Melgrin, Queen Marie-Louise (Sister)
  5. Jean-Bernadine Sprew, known as Prince Jean (Brother)

C) This royal Corsican filiation, whether true or not, is of little importance to us. What matters is that it was taken seriously by both Frederick Neuhoff's and Cécile Fatiman families. A comparison of the vestimentary style found in the portrait of Theodore, King of Corsica, and in that of Henry, King of Haiti, allows us to foresee the preservation of this filiation. We attribute the results to the influence of Queen Marie-Louisa Coidavid-Melgrin, Cécile Fatiman's younger sister, on Henry, her Sovereign husband.

Let's first observe Theodore I's posture, the star-flower on his heart, the cane he holds - without neglecting the "Moor's head" symbolizing the muslim passage in Corsica



Source : André Le Glay. Théodore de Neuhoff, roi de Corse, Paris, 1907.

In Henry's portrait we find a posture similar to that of Theodore I - as far as the hand on the back is concerned - and then a similar star-flower on the heart, accompanied by a cane. Even the apparent painting in the background reinforces the similarity :


Photo : King Henry's official portrait by Richard Evans. 1815.  

This resemblance in the two Sovereigns' accoutrements, to the rear position of the hand, suggests the influence of the Coidavid family - having a link with a Corsican prince - on the Haitian King. The similarity could easily be classified as purely coincidental, if other elements, such as the following, didn't add to it.

D) Following the fall of Henry's Kingdom in 1820, the Queen and her two princesses, having been saved, were previously received in England where the abolitionist Thomas Clarkson, great correspondent of the late King, took care of their accommodation. However, on September 14, 1824, they chose to settle in Italy - instead, we think, of Corsica then French. The Haitian kingdom having been hostile to France, the Henrys would certainly not have been welcome there :
"Christophe, indeed, could not have had a more loyal friend than Clarkson or one more willing to succor and advise his bereaved and unhappy family. The last letter in this collection, dated September 13, 1824, was written by the three Christophes on the eve of their departure for Italy and forms a fitting conclusion to this Haitian story." (26)
Moreover, following the successive deaths of her princesses, the Queen, in 1841, asked then Haitian President Boyer to allow "Madame Pierrot", her sister Louisa Geneviève (second wife of Jean-Louis Pierrot, unless "Madame Pierrot" was in regards to Cécile Fatiman, Pierrot's first wife ), to come and keep her company in Italy :
 
"Madame Christophe [la Reine] de son côté, lui fit part de son heureuse arrivée et lui dit que la réception qui lui avait été faite avait été des plus agréables.
Le général Vincent qui était à Paris s'empressa de se transporter auprès d'elles, les combla d'attentions et d'amitié. Il ne tarda pas à les conduire à Florence en Italie, où elles s'établirent. Les deux princesses moururent successivement une vingtaine d'années après leur arrivée en Europe. Leur mère alla habiter Pise où elle mourut une dizaine d'années plus tard. Elle avait fait venir auprès d'elle Madame Pierrot, sa soeur, après la mort des deux princesses. Madame Christophe et Madame Pierrot étaient de la famille Coidavid du Cap, ancienne libre avant la révolution." (27)
Translation :
"Madame Christophe [the Queen], on her part, informed him of her happy arrival, and told him that the reception which had been made to her had been most agreeable.
General Vincent, who was in Paris, hastened to them, and overwhelmed them with attentions and friendship. He soon took them to Florence in Italy, where they settled. The two princesses died successively twenty years after their arrival in Europe. Their mother went to live in Pisa, where she died a dozen years later. She had sent for Madame Pierrot, her sister, after the two princesses deaths. Mrs. Christophe and Mrs. Pierrot were from Le Cap's Coidavid family, free before the revolution.
"
The Queen's request was accepted. But it was not until the end of the Jean-Louis Pierrot presidency in 1846, that a year later, in December 1847, Madame Pierrot joined his sister in Italy, while President Pierrot was in exile in Jamaica.
Thus, four members of the Coidavid family lived in Italy. England would have been a more logical choice of residence, language wise, when it is known that King Henry, being a native of Grenada, spoke English, and that English was taught, via American tutors, to the princesses. But, according to Beaubrun Ardouin (28), England's humid weather displeased them. Nevertheless, the Corsican, and therefore Italian, family link may have played a role in their choice of final residence. It is also necessary to specify, the Catholic burial of the Queen, as ultimate proof of the non-islamity of the free Coidavid family to which Cécile Fatiman was part :
"Marie-Louise d'Haïti est morte par une fraîche soirée de mars 1851, dans son château italien. La reine fut enterrée dans la petite chapelle du couvent des Capucins de Pise où, aujourd'hui encore, elle repose à coté de ses deux filles, les princesses Améthyste et Athénaïs." (29)
Translation :
"Marie-Louise of Haiti died on a fresh March 1851 evening, in her Italian castle. The queen was buried in the little chapel of the Capuchin convent in Pisa, where she still rests beside her two daughters, princesses Améthyste and Athénaïs."

5- Cécile Fatiman's non exposure to islam

In 2009, Susan Buck-Morss, a renowned revisionist, claimed, without evidence, that Cécile Fatiman was born and raised as a muslim :
"But what if you learn that Boukman, born in English-speaking Jamaica, was named Boukman -Bookman- because he was literate and could read the Book, but that the Book was not the Bible? What if the facts indicate that Boukman, the huge black man who spoke these celebratory words at Bois Caïman : "listen to the voice of liberty which speaks in the hearts of us all." who inspired armed insurrection against the slave masters, was born and raised a Muslim - as were between 4 and 14 percent of all Africans who made the Atlantic crossing: as was the priestess Fatiman -Fatima- who presided over the so-named Vodou ceremony at Bois Caïman: as was the slave Makandal, their maroon rebel predecessor, whose hand had been amputated as a consequence of slavery, and who was accused in the colonial courts of plotting to poison the families of planters in Saint-Domingue in the 1750s and burned at the stake (the Christian punishment for heresy)?" (30)
This revisionist, like so many others, insinuated that Cécile Fatiman was born in Africa where she would have been exposed to the muslim cult. This is false. For if General Rameau identified Cécile Fatiman's mother Célestina Coidavid as being born in "Africa", he did not say the same for Célestina's daughter Cécile Fatiman. And since the latter was a mulatto - hence born from the encounter of a Black and a White - the probability that she was born in "Africa" ​​is extremely weak; Especially because she was not born of a rape on a slave ship. For her father's identity, although vaguely known, was known nevertheless, and even admired. 
General Rameau's account informs us that the mother comes from elsewhere. We think, the fact that she was an "African", does not guarantee that she came directly from "Africa". The facts indicate that Célestina Coidavid lived in America, near Charleston, Massachusetts, where she met Cécile Fatiman's father, that is to say, the "Corsican Prince", the Lieutenant in General Howe's troops, Theodore I's grandson. 
According to General Rameau, Célestina Coidavid arrived with Cécile Fatiman in Saint Domingue. To dismiss the hypothesis of Cécile's islamic exposure prior to her Saint Domingue arrival, one must take her arrival age into account. The narrative does not specify it. However, the genealogy of the Coidavid family allows us to establish with accuracy the later possible date of Cécile Fatiman's arrival. To do this, one simply needs to have a look at the birth dates of Célestina Coidavid's other children who were born in Saint Domingue. These dates of birth therefore place Célestina in the colony at verifiable moments. And by the way, we can place Cécile Fatiman in the colony on those same dates, because she arrived there with her mother.
 
Célestina Coidavid (Cécile Fatiman's mother, born in "Africa") had children with :
  • + Corsican Prince (Grandson of Théodore Neuhoff???)
    1. Cécile Pierrot, née Fatiman (or Attiman) - born in 1775 outside of Saint Domingue, in an unknown colony - died on January 1883 in Cap-Haïtien - at the age of 108, not 112); Married Louis Michel Pierrot, future president of Haiti
  • + Melgrin (owner of the La Couronne hotel in Cap Français)
    1. Marie-Louisa Henry, née Coidavid-Melgrin, Her Majesty the Queen Marie-Louise Henry (sister) (8 May 1778, Ouanaminthe, Bredou Estate, Saint Domingue - March 14, 1851, Pisa, Italy) 
      Source: Almanach Royal d'Hayti 1820. Sans-Soucy, 1820. p.1.
    2. Louisa Geneviève Pierrot, née Melgrin (sister) (birthdate unknown): Also married to Louis Michel Pierrot, following his marriage to Cécile Fatiman 
  • + Sprew
    1.  Jean-Bernadine Sprew, known as Prince Jean (brother) (October 17, 1780 - October 10, 1820)
  • + Name of father unknown
    1. Noele Coidavid, known as Prince Noele (Brother) (September 10, 1784 - August 25, 1818)
      Source: Almanach Royal d'Hayti 1816. Cap-Henry, 1816. p.1.
What emerges from this table is that there was only a 3-year gap between Cécile Fatiman (born in 1775) and her younger sister Marie-Louisa Coidavid-Melgrin, the future queen (born in 1778). This discrepancy allows us to conclude that their mother, Célestina Coidavid, was in Saint Domingue in 1777 at the latest. Because, it was the minimum interval required for her to meet Mr. Melgrin, the owner of Cap-Français' La Couronne hotel ; leading her to give birth to Queen Marie-Louisa in May 1778. And when the unknown date of birth of Louisa Geneviève Melgrin, Cécile Fatiman's other younger sister, is taken into account, mother Célestina Coidavid may well have settled in Saint Domingue prior to 1777. So, we can say that Cécile Fatiman landed in Saint Domingue before the age of 3. Thus, the islamic level of her country of birth is of little importance, since she left her native land still as an infant. Aged less than 3, on her arrival in Saint Domingue, little Cécile Fatiman was far too young to absorb any religious doctrine whatsoever. So therefore, we only need to scrutinize the religious behavior of his brothers and sisters born and raised in Saint Domingue, in order to detect whether Cécile Fatiman's family was muslim or not.


The Coidavid family, Power and Syncretic Christianity

Queen Marie-Louisa, Cécile Fatiman's younger sister, was officially Catholic. Her husband, King Henry had a certain penchant for the Anglican religion - perhaps a vestige of his Caribbean Anglophone origin. A tangible proof of the Queen's non-islamity, and consequently that of the Coidavid family, which includes Cécile Fatiman, is the church of Sans Souci, built for her coronation on June 2, 1811, directly at the foot of her palace.

Source : Rodney Salnave, Milot, Sans Souci, 1999.


In addition, the Almanach Royal d'Hayti (Royal Almanac of Hayti) illustrated the maintenance in the Kingdom (1811-1820) of all Catholic festivals :


Were similarly maintained, various parishes and their respective patron festivals :
 Now, no mention was made of any islamic festivals or calendar.


The Case of General Pierrot (Cécile Fatiman's ex-husband) & ancestral worship

General Jean-Louis Michel Pierrot's implication in the early hours of the struggle for emancipation will serve as evidence of the impossibility for the Haitian revolution to be islamic. Pierrot was born at L'Acul du Nord (Camp-Louise, to be more precise), the epicenter of the Haitian revolution. And of this geographical connection, he therefore rubbed shoulders with the first plotters such as Jean-François, Boukman, Jean-Jacques (des Manquets) and Auguste. And, in all likelihood, he participated in pre-revolutionary meetings where, we speculate, he could have met his future wife, Cécile Fatiman.  
Now, if Cécile Fatiman was a muslim, her influence would have - or at least that of her sister Louisa-Geneviève, who married Pierrot after her - certainly, resulted in Pierrot's hostile attitude towards ancestral religion. As a president, unlike Guerrier, his predecessor, nor Riché, his successor, Pierrot showed great affection for the traditional religion :

"Muets sous Guerrier, enhardis sous Pierrot, se dissimulant sous Riché, les choeurs africains qui en perpétuent la tradition s'en donnaient à leur aise depuis l'avénement de Soulouque, car Soulouque appartient au vaudoux, et ces mots sont l'hymne sacramentel du vaudoux." (31)
Translation :
"Quiet under Guerrier, emboldened under Pierrot, concealing itself under Riché, the African choirs which perpetuate the tradition had given themselves at their ease since the accession of Soulouque, for Soulouque belongs to the vaudoux, and these words are the sacramental hymn of vaudoux."
We will not dwell on the fact that Riché, Pierrot's successor, "was the great enemy of all superstitious sects. He vigorously pursued those who practiced the "voodoo" ceremonies and dances" (32). Nor will we linger on the fact that Soulouque, following Riché, was the only Haitian head of state with an established Mandingo origin. But Soulouque was a notorious practitioner of ancestral worship, in the very heart of his imperial palace. Proof that the Mandingoes were far from the muslims whom the revisionists claim. It will be discussed in more depth in an upcoming article on Haitian Mandingoes.

Moreover, Pierrot's tolerance for his ancestral cult could be explained by the fact that he was a Houngan, a great officiant of ancestral worship :
"Après les grands houn'gan de l'épopée nationale : Boukman, Biassou, Makandal, Pierrot, vient le fameux Antoine Lan Gommier mais dans un temps beaucoup plus proche de nous." (33)
Translation :
"After the great houn'gan of the national epic : Boukman, Biassou, Makandal, Pierrot, comes the famous Antoine Lan Gommier but in a time much closer to us."
In addition, according to Milo Rigaud, Pierrot was not only a great Houngan, he was  among those who had practiced an orthodox and  pure "voudoo" tradition :
"Par suite, les dons surnaturels que confèrent les loa-ancêtres : aux initiés du culte voudoo se raréfient ou diminuent de puissance magique ; parce que, devant de telles fautes contre la tradition orthodoxe des Toussaint, des Rose Rigaud, des Antoine Lan Gommier, des Pierrot, les mânes se fâchent et, progressivement, se retirent en Afrique, abandonnant l'Haïtien à lui-mème. C'est ainsi qu'un houn'gan ou une mam'bo perd parfois ses pouvoirs, tombe même malade et, sans de très rigides sacrifices, est incapable de remonter le courant que les mystères lui ont fait descendre !" (34)
Translation :
"Consequently, the supernatural gifts conferred by the loa-ancestors : to the initiates of the voudoo cult, are fleeing or getting diminished in magical power ; because, faced with such faults against the orthodox tradition of Toussaint, Rose Rigaud, Antoine Lan Gommier, Pierrot, the manes get angry and gradually retreat to Africa, abandoning the Haitian to himself. Thus, a houn'gan or a mam'bo sometimes loses his or her powers, even falls ill and, without very rigid sacrifices, is unable to escape the abyss into which the mysteries made him or her descent !"
So Pierrot, as Houngan, would have had a spiritual and revolutionary affinity with his wife Cécile Fatiman, a Manbo or a great official of the Haitian ancestral religion. And these passages of Milo Rigaud affirming that Pierrot was a Houngan are most pertinent, since, published in 1953, they preceded by a year the text of Étienne D. Charlier (1954) which revealed Cécile Fatiman as the Manbo in Bois Caiman. Thus, Milo Rigaud cannot be accused of associating President Pierrot with "voudoo" because of his wife's participation in Bois Caïman, since the author was unaware of the role of the latter at the time of writing His work. And besides, Milo Rigaud, describing on pages 60 and 61, the Bois Caiman ceremony, did not allude to Cécile Fatiman, Louis-Michel Pierrot's first wife. He only cited the Manuel d'Histoire d'Haïti (J.C. Dorsainvil & F.l.C. P-A-P, 1934, p.78) that speak of the old priestess officiating at the said ceremony.


Nord Alexis' government and ancestral worship

Pierre Nord Alexis, King Henry's grandson from an out-of-wedlock liaison, was Haiti's president from 1902 to 1908. He married Marie-Louise Amélie Célestina Pierrot, called "Cécé", daughter (or grand-daughter) of Cécile Fatiman and Jean-Louis Michel Pierrot. And again, nothing in  Nord Alexis' government indicates a certain inclination for islam ; On the contrary, traditional religion was favored by the latter :
"Nord Alexis avait plus de 80 ans quand il arriva au pouvoir. Ce vieillard avait au coeur deux sentiments : le culte des aïeux et le souci de l'indépendance nationale." (35)
Translation :
"Nord Alexis was over 80 when he came to power. This old man had at heart two passions : ancestors worship and concern for national independence." 
His concern for ancestral religion was such that one of his detractors called him "the grand pontiff of Vodouism " :


 
"Several presidents were known for their associations with Vodou temples, including Nord Alexis (1902-8), who was denounced by Alcius Charmant as the "grand pontife du vaudouisme ("the grand pontiff of Vodouism,"..." (36)
Thus, through the political and religious preferences of several generations of leaders from Cécile Fatiman's family, we find a constant adherence to ancestral tradition, an action incompatible with muslim monotheism.

6- Women in the Haitian Revolution

In 2000, the revisionist Jafrikayiti doubted that Cécile Fatiman was Manbo, insinuating that she was a Woman-Imam or a Woman-Iman :
"Listwaryen yo rapòte kijan yon seremoni relijye te tanmen lapoula. Yon manbo ki te rele Cécile Fatiman, madanm Louis Michel Pierrot ki te gen pou li vin Prezidan Ayiti pi devan, t ap evolye. Abiye toudeblan, manbo Fatiman touye yon kochon epi li fè wonn lan bay chak Afriken bwè san an tou cho. Ak kominyon sa a tout nèg sèmante pou yo suiv lòd Boukmann epi revòlte pou lalibète.
(…)
Kit se te pawòl yon Oungan osnon yon Mizilman, koze Afriken sa a ta pral gen konsekans ektraòdinè pou noumenm ak ou, pitit Boukmann, pitit Makandal, pitit Fatiman.
Anvan nou rapousuiv, kite nou souliyen de kesyon enteresan osijè wòl potansyèl plizyè relijyon nan evènman istorik sa a:
1) Fatiman, se yon non ki popilè nan peyi Afriken Mizilman yo. Daprè sa Listwaryen Jean Fouchard rapòte: Cecile Fatiman, Manbo Bwa Kay Iman an te yon milatrès pitit yon nègès Afriken epi yon prens blan peyi «La Corse». Èske Fatiman te Voudouyizan epi Mizilman alafwa menmjan vin gen anpil Ayisyen ki Kretyen Katolik epi Vodounyizan alafwa? Nou pa konnen!
2) Nan zòn Bwa Kay Iman pa genyen e sanble pate janm te genyen bèt ki rele Kayiman an, kidonk sanble se pa la mo a sòti. Daprè kèk fouyapòt, non an sanble wè douvanjou apati prezans Boukmann osnon Fatiman nan zòn nan (Iman, nan relijyon Islam, relijyon Mizilman yo, se yon lidè relijye, kòmkwa yon Oungan/Manbo nan Vodoun). Kidonk Bwa Kay Iman ta ka vle di Bò kote Kay Imann lan ye a osnon Bwa Kay Imann." (37)
Translation :
"Historians report how a religious ceremony took place right away. A Mambo named Cécile Fatiman, wife of Louis Michel Pierrot, who later became Haiti's President, would officiate. Dress in all white, Mambo Fatiman killed a pig and shared its warm blood to every African in the circle. From this communion, they swore to follow Bookman's orders and rebel for freedom.
(...)
Whether he was a Houngan or a Muslim, this African's speech would have extraordinary consequences for me and you, offspring of Bookman, Makandal and Fatiman.
Before going further, let's underline two interesting questions about the potential role of various religions in this historic event:
1) Fatiman is a popular name in Muslim African countries. According to historian Jean Fouchard: Cécile Fatiman, the Mambo at Bwa Kay Iman (The House in the Woods Where Iman lives) was a Mulatto woman, daughter of a African Negress and a white prince from Corsica. Was Fatiman a Vodou practitioner and a Muslim, the same way many Africans become both Christian Catholics and Vodou practitioners? We do not know!
2) In the area of Bwa Kay Iman (The House in the Woods Where Iman lives) there isn't and there seems to never had animals called Cayman. So, it seems that this word isn't use in reference to the animal. According to some researchers, this (location) name seems to have originated from Boukman's presence or that of Fatiman in the area (Iman in the Islamic religion is a religious leader, as is a Oungan/Mambo in Vodoun). Thus , Bwa Kay Iman might mean Near the Imann's House or The Imann's House in the Woods."
That this revisionist chose to change "Kayiman" into "Kay Iman", knowing full well that an islamic spiritual leader is called "Imam" and not "Iman", in the same way as they say "Islam" and not "Islan" - is okay by us. That the revisionist in question took the liberty to speculate on Saint Domingue's wildlife, without carrying out an in-depth study on the subject - is still okay. (See our article on the common use of "Bwa Kayiman" in plant names) Also, that the revisionist quotes Jean Fouchard in such a way as to make believe that he recognized Cécile Fatiman as "the Mambo of Bwa Kay Iman (The House in the Woods Where Iman lives)", whereas Fouchard**** never spoke of Cécile Fatiman specifically, other than to quote the Charlier text referring to her - again, is okay. But that Jafrikayiti deliberately chose to ignore that in misogynist islam, a woman cannot be a spiritual leader or an Imam, exceeds the limits of what is acceptable. The extent of this falsification from the Haitian intellectual is unprecedented, since the Haitian revolution is above all a woman revolution. For without the action of the Saint Domingue woman (now Haitian), this revolution would have never reached the insurrection threshold. And never, ever, would have succeeded.
And to even insinuate that one of this revolution's leaders might be muslim is an insult on those thousands of Saint Domingue women who have braved the most barbaric tortures in retaliation for their involvement in this Negro revolution; Not Arab, Muslim or Arabized, Negro. And whoever mentions Negro, mentions the ancestral religion.
And this Haitian ancestral religion is primarily a woman religion. The only religion where the feminine prevails over the masculine, for in rituals, when addressing "women", this includes men. But the opposite never happens, since we never address the "men" as such, on any occasion. And let no one be mistaken. This Tradition having furnished the only successful revolution of people in captivity, is unique on earth. Not in "Africa" ​​or in the Black Americas, is there a religion in which woman is the equal of man in every respect. It is this religion with the understanding going beyond the sex, which counts Cécile Fatiman among its own. And this heroine was not unique. She was only a revolutionary woman among thousands of others who had worked in every subversive sphere imaginable.


A- The women maroons

To speak of the islamity of Bois Caïman and the Haitian revolution, based on the resonance of Cécile Fatiman's name, is to think that she was the only woman of importance in that revolution. This was far from being the case. Cécile Fatiman was but one link in a long line of great revolutionary ladies. Marronnage was the first mesh, the first high impact weapon of the resistance. And on this point, women didn't stand on the sidelines. Like men, they often risked everything in order to escape hellish slavery and thus deprive the unjust system of their labor.
The following runaway ads extracts show a snippet of the horror that was captive women's existence and the punishments they face for running away :


  • Gunshot


"Jeannette, créole, étampée sur le sein droit TUREL, âgée d'environ 30 ans, dangereusement blessée au bras droit d'un coup d'arme à feu, disant appartenir à M. Vaidiés, arrêtée à la Grande-Rivière." (38)
Translation :
"Jeannette, Creole, stamped on the right breast TUREL, about 30 years old, dangerously wounded on the right arm of a gunshot, claiming to belong to M. Vaidiés, arrested at Grande-Rivière."
  • Machete blow
"Au Port de Paix, le 18 du courant, Vincent de nation Ibo, étampé illisiblement CENAU, ayant une marque de son pays sur le visage, & plusieurs coups de manchette sur le corps, se disant à M. Cenau ; & Marianne de nation Mondongue, sans étampe, ayant un coup de manchette sur une épaule, ne connaissant pas son maître." (39)
Translation :
"At Port de Paix, on the 18th of the current [month], Vincent of the Ibo nation, stamped illegibly CENAU, having a mark of his country on his face, and several machete strike scars on his body, saying to belong to M. Cenau ; And Marianne of the Mondongue nation, without stamp, having a machete strike scar on her shoulder, doesn't know her master."
  •  Cut off wrist




"Au CAP, le 28 du mois dernier, est entré à la Geole une Négresse Créole, nommée Marie, étampée sur le sein droit IB & sur le gauche IP, ayant le poignet gauche coupé, laquelle a dit appartenir à M. Prats, à la Grande-Rivière." (40)
Translation :
"At Le CAP, on the 28th of last month, entered the Jail a Creole Negress, named Marie, stamped on the right breast IB & on the left IP, has the left wrist cut off, she said to belong to Mr. Prats, at Grande-Rivière."
  • Cut off ears


"Le 4, Marthe, créole de S. Eustache, étampée sur le sein droit ACAR, au-dessus PENTIER, ayant les oreilles coupées, se disant appartenir à M. Carpentier, Caboteur." (41)
Translation :
"On the 4th, Marthe, a Creole from St. Eustace, stamped on the right breast ACAR, above PENTIER, has her ears cut off, claiming to belong to M. Carpentier, Coaster."
  • Whip scars

 "Le 22, une négresse nouvelle, nation Quiamba, sans étampe apparente, ayant des marques de son pays sur le visage & sur le ventre, une marque de brûlure sur la joue droite, le dos rempli de coups de fouets, les oreilles percées, âgée d'environ 20 ans, taille de 4 pieds 10 pouces, ne pouvant dire le nom de son maître ni sa demeure." (42)
Translation :
"On the 22nd, a new negress, of Quiamba nation, without apparent stamp, bares signs of her country on her face and abdomen, a burning mark on her right cheek, her back full of lashes, pierced ears, About 20 years old, 4 feet 10 inches tall, unable to say the name of her master or her dwelling."
  • Sexual abuse on minors
"Quatre nègres & deux négresses nouveaux, Congo, partis marrons de l'habitation de M. Demons, Habitans à Plaisance, du 13 au 14 février dernier, étampée R. DEMONS, à qui ils appartiennent, dans le nombre desquels il y a une négresse sans étampe, de petite taille, âgée d'environ 13 à 14 ans, qui a le sein bas, ayant déjà fait une fausse couche, nommée Marie, parlant un peu Français; la seconde négresse nommée Félicité." (43)
Translation :
"Four negroes and two new negresses, Congo, marooned from the habitation of M. Demons, Residing in Plaisance, from last February 13 to 14, stamped R. DEMONS, to whom they belong, among whom there is a negress without a stamp, short, about 13 to 14 years old, with a low breast, having already had a miscarriage, named Marie, speaking a little French; The second negress named Félicité."
  • Work overload


"Une Négresse, nation Thiamba, nommée Brigitte, âgée d'environ 13 à 14 ans, d'une vilaine figure & fort malpropre, ayant la bouche alongée, les pieds très grands & ne pouvant dresser son bras gauche, est marone depuis le 27 mai dernier : on présume qu'elle est au Fort-Dauphin, ou dans les environs. Ceux qui la reconnaîtront, sont priés de la faire arrêter, & d'en donner avis à M. Jouenne, rue du Cimetière, au Cap : il y aura récompense." (44)
Translation :
"A Negress, of Thiamba nation, named Brigitte, about 13 or 14 of age, of an ugly figure, and very dirty, with an elongated mouth, very large feet, and unable to raise her left arm, has been maroon since last May 27th : we suppose she could be at Fort Dauphin, or in the neighborhood. Those who will recognize her, are requested to have her arrested, and to give notice thereof to M. Jouenne, on Rue du Cimetiere, at Le Cap : there will be a reward."
  • Torture
"Pélagie, Sousou, disant appartenir à M. Rousseau, habitant aux Perches, étampée illisiblement sur le sein gauche, ayant les seins tombés, les doigts des mains coupés & les deux pieds difformes, couverte de dattes, arrêtée aux Perches." (45)
Translation :
"Pélagie, Sousou, said she belonged to M. Rousseau, who resides at Perches, stamped illegibly on the left breast, with her breasts fallen, her fingers cut off, and her two deformed feet covered with dartres, arrested at Perches."

B- The women poisoners

Long before Cécile Fatiman, there were the women poisoners who terrorized the slave colony of Saint Domingue. From the years 1740 to 1758, several decades before Bois Caïman, existed the era of Macandal and Brigitte. The chief poisoner Macandal has since become a God (Jany, Lwa), and his wife Brigitte, a Goddess (Jany, Lwa) far more venerated.

Brigitte, the Great, the Goddess (Jany, Lwa) of Death

Brigitte, the poisoner, was deified as Grann Brijit (Grandma Brigitte), a Gede, Lwa of Death. As we have said, she was Macandal's wife and accomplice. And according to the Memoir of Judge Courtin who interrogated and condemned them at the stake, far from being muslim, their God was Charlot, also a Gede God (Jany, Lwa) :
"Mercure [l'un des complices de François Macandal] et Brigitte femme de François qui sont convenues de savoir faire des macandals [Garde-Corps ou amulettes magiques portant le nom du confectionneur] qui remuent sur la tête ont indiqué les mêmes opérations, ont dit que les paroles magiques étaient Bondieu (...). Ce Bon Dieu est sans contredit Charlot ou le Diable, c’est ce qui n’est plus équivoque, ainsi qu’on le verra par la suite." (46)
Translation :
"Mercure [one of François Macandal's accomplices] and Brigitte wife of François who agreed to make macandals [Garde-Corps or magic amulets bearing the confectioner's name] that move on the head indicated the same operations, that the magic words were Bondieu (...). This Good God is without doubt Charlot or the Devil, which is unequivocal, as will be seen later." 
This necromantic magical practice of Brigitte, Macandal and his associates was for Charlot (Ti Chalo in the modern ritual) was tinged with catholic syncretism. Which is also contrary to islam :
"Le sorcier compositeur ne fait qu’envelopper les clous, les os et les herbes dans un haillon avec de la boue et de l’eau bénite, du cierge béni et de l’encens béni. En disant les paroles magiques, il ficelle bien le tout à plusieurs tours, le met tremper dans l’eau bénite. Là se termine son opération." (47)
Translation :
"The composer sorcerer only wraps nails, bones and herbs in a rag with mud and holy water, blessed candle and blessed incense. In saying the magic words, he tightens the whole thing in several turns, puts it in the holy water. There ends his operation."
And like a real Goddess, facing torture and the brazier, Brigitte the Great did not flinch. She retained all her dignity :
"Brigitte qui a paru parler sans détours dans les derniers jours de sa vie a dit que le macandal consulté par son serviteur lui parlait d’une façon claire et nette dans les oreilles, suivant son expression, qu’il disait où était un nègre marron, quel était le voleur d’une chose dont on était en peine, l’empoisonneur et le reste.
(...)
Les interrogatoires de Mercure et de Brigitte nous ont dévoilé sans équivoque tous les mystères du culte réfléchi que les sorciers rendent au diable.
Brigitte déjà condamnée parlait sans déguisement."
(48)
Translation :
"Brigitte, who appeared to speak frankly in the last days of her life, said that the macandal consulted by his servant spoke to him clearly and clearly in his ears, according to his expression, that he said where a maroon negro was, who was the thief of a thing that went missing, the poisoner and the rest.
(...)
Mercure and Brigitte's interrogations have unequivocally revealed to us all the mysteries of the reflective worship which the sorcerers render to the devil.
Brigitte, already condemned, spoke without disguise." 
And the location where Brigitte performed her magic-religious services was called "La Caze à Diable" (House of the Devil), proving etymologically false, as we demonstrated in a previous article, the revisionist thesis of "Bwa Kay Iman". For in Northern Saint Domingue, where the Bois Caïman ceremony was held, to designate a House belonging to a certain "Iman", one would have  said instead : "Bwa La Caze à Iman" or "Bwa La Caye à Iman" :
"Les sorciers ou prétendus tels font la fête des macandals; il y a la petite et la grande. La caze où elle se fait s’appelle la caze à Diable, et la cérémonie s’appelle faire Diable, suivant les nègres. Ce qui prouve que les profanations des choses saintes dont ils se servent ne sont pas une suite de leur idiotisme, mais une véritable impiété qui va jusqu’au sacrilège. (49)
Translation :
"The sorcerers or the so-called sorcerers make the macandals' feast; there is the small and the great. The hut where it is made is called  la caze à Diable (House of the Devil), and the ceremony is called faire Diable [Do the Devil], according to the negroes. Proving that the profanations of the holy things which they use are not a continuation of their idiocy, but a true impiety which goes so far as sacrilege."
Moreover, many of Brigitte and Macandal's acolytes frequented Catholic churches. Demonstrating the conformity of their practices with that of the modern Haitian syncretic religion ; and not with islam :
"La négresse Marianne qui recevait des poisons que Macandal lui envoyait par Brigitte sa femme communiait tous les 8 jours." (50)
Translation :
"The negress Marianne who received poisons that Macandal sent her by Brigitte, his wife, received communion every 8 days."
In short, decades prior to the Bois Caïman ceremony and the 1791 general uprising, the ancestral Tradition had already monopolized the anti-slavery resistance. The islam of a handful of captives, never singled out, never criticized, never prohibited by an article of law, was never a factor in the Haitian revolution. This monotheistic religion is incompatible with Brigitte and Macandal's necromantic Gede rite, nor with the Petro-Lemba rite in which one says "Djab la" (this Devil) or "Djab yo" (these Devils) in reference to some high energy Jany or Lwa - to be differentiated from the God-opposing christian "Devil", a concept that is absent in the ancestral Tradition.

Here is a small sample of the noble lady poisoners who were arrested, tortured, and/or horribly executed in their struggle against christian degradation :
  • Kingué (aka Marie Catherine, of Congo nation)
  • Assam (of Fulani nation, but had been incited by a free comrade - possibly a Creole - to consult with Jean, the poisoner, in whose house a Bambara - Traditionalist - served as guard ; and traditionalist lady clients, of Nago and Thiamba nations, we found.)
  • Marie Jeanne (from Le Cap, of Thiamba nation, from Togo, was Jean the poisoner's client)
  • Madeleine (from Le Cap, of Nago nation , was Jean the poisoner's client)
  • Lisette (from Fort Dauphin)
  • Henriette (poisoned dame Faveroles, was burned alive)
  • Geneviève (from Port-Margot)
  • Marianne (poisoned Laborte, son of Vatin, was burned alive)
  • Madeleine
  • Margot
  • Angélique
  • Agnès
  • Venus
  • Marie-Jeanne (poisoned Chiron)
  • Nanon
  • Barbe (freed woman from de Gallais estate)
  • Françoise (free)
  • Charlotte (from Gabriac, deported to Saint Malo)
  • Fanchette and Jeanette (burned, than buried alive, on suspicious of being poisoners)
  • Madame Paparet's waitress.
  • Lady Lespès' waitress (condemned)
  • Mongoubert's waitress (condemned)
  • Rodet's Concubine
  • Etc.
This following passage from the S. Courtin memoir gives us a glimpse of women poisoners' predominance in Macandal's time; that is more than thirty years before Bois Caiman :
"Il est presque prouvé que Mongoubert, marchand au Cap, a été empoisonné par sa Négresse (cette Négresse a, depuis, été convaincue et condamnée), que la demoiselle Lespès l’a été par les siennes (une de ces Négresses a été convaincue et condamnée). Prouvé que Laborde, garçon de Vatin, perruquier, l’a été par Marianne, Jolicoeur et Michel, parce qu’il ne voulait pas leur laisser faire leur sabat dans la cuisine de Vatin. Que la femme de Rodet a été empoisonnée par une Négresse avec laquelle Rodet a vécu, et qui vivait avec Jolicoeur. Avoué par ce dernier qu’il avait voulu empoisonner son maître, le Sieur Millet. On découvre une suite d’horreurs, par le procès de tous les différents complices. On instruit le procès des Nègres de M. Pillat, conseiller, chargés de l’avoir empoisonné. La Négresse Henriette, de la dame Faveroles, est très chargée et très suspecte d’avoir empoisonné sa maîtresse (elle a été convaincue et condamnée). Nous n’avons encore pu avoir le fil de tous les crimes de pareille espèce, commis dans la plaine du Cap, mais certainement cela viendra, et on réalisera les justes soupçons qu’on a de la mort de plusieurs Blancs et Nègres dans tous les quartiers. (…) La Négresse de la dame Paparet, et les Nègres du Sieur Delan et de M. le Prieur, sont accusés du même crime." (51)
Translation :
"It is almost proven that Mongoubert, a merchant at Le Cap, has been poisoned by his Negress (this Negress has since been convicted and condemned), that Lespès has been by his own (one of these Negresses has been convinced and condemned). Proven that Laborde, Vatin's young son, a wigmaker, was [poisoned] by Marianne, Jolicoeur, and Michel, because he did not wish to let them make their sabat in Vatin's kitchen. That Rodet's wife was poisoned by a Negress with whom Rodet lived, and who lived with Jolicoeur. Confessed by the latter that he had wished to poison his master, M. Millet. One discovers a succession of horrors, by the trial of all the different accomplices. The trial of the negroes of M. Pillat, the councilor, was instructed in charge of having poisoned him. Henriette, Negress of lady Faveroles, is very charged and very suspicious of having poisoned her mistress (she has been convicted and condemned). We have not yet had the thread of all the crimes of such a kind committed in Le Cap's Plain, but certainly it will come, and we will realize the just suspicions we have of the death of several whites and negroes in all Neighborhoods. (...) Dame Paparet's Negress, and the negroes of Sieur Delan and Monsieur le Prieur, are accused of the same crime." 
By Cécile Fatiman's time, the open war methods took precedence over poisoning, although still in use. Not surprisingly, women were in the forefront of the armed struggle complimented by ancestral magic-religious effects. But, regardless of the time period, women's resistance remained constant in regards to childbearing and reproduction.
 

C- Women's resistance to childbearing

Women's rebellion was very wide in range. When they did not poison the whites, their slaves and their cattle, or enroll in the ranks, they spied on them, relaying information, food, medicines and ammunition (sometimes hidden under their skirts). But that was the least of their impact. Where their resistance was most hurtful to the colony's growth is undoubtedly via their induced sterility that baffled the clueless settlers :
"Avouez, messieurs, Vous avez laissé sans réponse, me dit le médecin, en m'interrompant, celle de mes objections qui m'a toujours paru la plus forte contre le régime de l'esclavage, la stérilité des femmes Noires, et la grande mortalité de leurs enfans en bas âge ; deux choses qui ne peuvent provenir que d'un travail trop soutenu, qui les empêchait de concevoir, et desséchait ensuite leur lait ; il leur ôtait encore le tems suffisant, pour donner les soins nécessaires à leur progéniture.
L'excès ou la durée du travail, lui répondis-je, étaient les moindres causes de l'infécondité des Négresses esclaves : c'est à la qualité du climat qu'elles la devaient principalement. On ne voyait point les servantes de grand'case, assises à coudre, ou chargées d'autres soins légers, avoir plus d'enfans que les Négresses de place : celles-ci, d'ailleurs, n'en supportaient pas les travaux les plus durs ; dans plusieurs cas, on les réservait pour les Nègres mâles." (52)
Translation :
"Admit, gentlemen, You have left unanswered, said the doctor, interrupting me, that of my objections, which always seemed to me as the strongest against the slave regime, were Black women's sterility, and the great mortality of their infants ; two things which can only come from too much work, which prevented them from conceiving, and then dried their milk ; it deprived them of sufficient time to give the necessary care to their offspring.
The excess or duration of labor, I replied, was the least cause of the Negro slaves' infertility : it was to the quality of the climate that they owed it chiefly. We've yet to see, the maidservants from the big house, seated to sew, or laden with other light cares, have more children than the field negroes ; besides, the former did not respond well to harder work ; in several cases, they were reserved for male Negroes."
Abortion, like suicide, was a fairly widespread form of resistance :
"Les exemples du suicide ne sont pas rares à Saint-Domingue, ou plutôt y sont d'autant plus communs, que les noirs de certaines nations africaines sont fortement persuadés, qu'en se donnant la mort ils retourneront dans le pays qui  les a vu naître. Mais l'avortement et l'infanticide sont encore plus communs parmi les esclaves. Ce crime a quelquefois sa source dans la crainte des embarras de la maternité, et dans le désir de se livrer sans empêchement au libertinage ; mais il a plus souvent et presque toujours son principe dans le mécontentement et dans la haine qu'inspire un maître détesté. De nombreux secrets ne manquent pas aux négresses pour détruire en elles-mêmes le germe de la maternité : elles parviennent d'autant plus facilement à tromper la surveillance, que beaucoup de maîtres poussent la brutalité, au point de regarder comme un malheur d'avoir des négresses enceintes, et comme perdu pour leurs intérêts, le peu d'instants que les mères enlèvent au travail, pour l'employer au soin de de leurs nourriçons." (53)
 Translation :
"Suicide cases are not uncommon in Saint-Domingue, or rather they are all the more common in that the blacks of certain African nations are strongly persuaded, that by killing themselves they will return to the country of their birth. But abortion and infanticide are even more common among slaves. This crime has sometimes its source in the fear of the embarrassments of motherhood, and in the desire to surrender without hindrance to libertinism ; but it has more often and almost always its principle in the discontent and hatred inspired by a detested master. Numerous secrets are known to the negresses to destroy in themselves the germ of maternity: they succeed all the more easily in deceiving the surveillance, that many masters push brutally, to the point of considering it a misfortune to have pregnant negresses, and as lost of capital, the few moments that mothers take away from work, to employ it in the care of their nursing infants."

D- Infanticide as women's resistance to captivity

When the captives gave birth, many opted for infanticide as a means of, on the one hand, depriving the settler of labor, on the other hand of preventing their offspring from being subjected to slavery. And very often, the midwives did not leave this difficult choice to the mother by taking on the terrible task :
"Zabeth, créole du Port-de-Paix, âgée de 55 ans, étampée F. DUCONGÉ, & au dessous PORT-DE-PAIX, d'une étampe illisible, ressemblant à une brûlure, n'ayant point de dents, est partie marrone le 10 janvier dernier; ladite Négresse était accoucheuse de l'habitation de son maître, & s'est vue découverte de plusieurs crimes qu'elle a commis, par la mort de trente enfans naissans, qu'elle a dit être morts du mal de mâchoire [oreillons]. Onze Nègres ou Négresses, Négrittes ou Négrillons, qui lui sont morts d'enflures & bouffissures, depuis le mois d'avril dernier, malgré tous les traitemens & soins qu'il a pu y donner, & une bien plus grande quantité en différens temps, provenant toujours de la même maladie, causée par la même Négresse. On soupçonne qu'elle est sur l'habitation de M. Merle pere, à Jean-Rabel, ou sur l'habitation Boutellier, à présent à M. Foache, où elle a des parens, ou sur les habitations de feu M. Boissel. Ceux qui en auront connaissance, sont priés d'en donner avis à M. F. Ducongé, à Jean-Rabel, à qui elle appartient, qui donnera quatre portugaises de récompense." (54)
Translation :
"Zabeth, Creole from Port-de-Paix, aged 55, stamped F. DUCONGÉ, and underneath PORT-DE-PAIX, of an illegible stamp, resembling a burn, having no teeth, ran away last January 10 ; the said Negress was midwife of her master's estate, and was discovered to have committed several crimes, by the death of thirty nursing children, whom she said were dead of mumps. Eleven Negroes or Negresses, Negrites, or Negrillons, who died of swelling and puffiness, since last April, in spite of all the treatments and care which she has been able to give, and a much greater quantity in different times, Always coming from the same disease, caused by the same Negress. We suspect that she is on the M. Merle pere estate, at Jean-Rabel, or on the Boutellier estate, now to M. Foache, where she has relatives, or on the houses of the late M. Boissel. Those who have knowledge of her are asked to give notice to M. F. Ducongé, at Jean-Rabel, to whom she belongs, who will give four Portuguese as reward." 
One can simply contrast the demographic data to understand the impact of Black women's constant resistance : nearly a million captives were brought to Saint Domingue in about 150 years, but in 1791 the Black population was only about 450,000. From independence (1804) to its 200th (2004), this same population grew from about 300,000 to more than 10 million. Demonstrating that births were previously retained to disrupt the slave system.

The Arada midwife and liberator
So, in order for the islamic thesis to be credible, one would have to prove that all these revolutionary women were muslim. Notably this poisonous Arada woman of the Rossignol-Desdunes plantation who made it a duty to remove the newborns from the misfortune of slavery by death. She defied her own death and the brazier to return, post-death, to Guinea ("Africa"), her country, and not to Mecca, home of the muslim Arabs :
"Une négresse Arada, sage-femme de la même habitation [Rossignol-Desdunes], contre laquelle on avait de pareils soupçons, fut aussi traduite au même tribunal, où elle avoua en riant qu'elle n'avait pas de plus grand plaisir que de détruire l'espèce humaine, surtout celle qui était destinée à, l’esclavage ; qu'elle devenait, par ce moyen, la libératrice des malheureux mercenaires à qui l'existence devait être à charge. Atteinte et convaincue par son propre aveu, cette négresse fut condamnée au même supplice que le premier accusé. Comme elle s'avançait vers le brasier qui devait la consumer, elle paraissait repentante, et marchait lentement, la tête baissée, lorsque tout à coup, par un excès de rage et de désespoir, arrachant une ceinture qui retenait sa chemise : « Voyez, dit-elle, si, j'ai bien mérité mon sort ; les soixante-dix noeuds dont cette ceinture est garnie, désignent la quantité d'enfants tués de mes propres mains, soit par le poison, soit par une coutume exécrable qui me faisait un devoir d'enlever ces jeunes êtres à un honteux esclavage.
Ma qualité de sage-femme me donnant les occasions de tenir en mes mains les nouveaux-nés, dès que j'y pressais une de ces victimes, de peur qu'elle m'échappât, je plongeais à l'instant une épingle dans son cerveau, par la fontanelle : de là, le mal de mâchoire [oreillons] si meurtrier en cette colonie, et dont la cause vous est maintenant connue. Je meurs contente à présent que je n'ai plus rien à confesser, et vais rejoindre dans mon pays, tout ce que j'y ai quitté ». A ces mots, elle s'élance avec intrépidité vers le brasier dévorant où bientôt elle fut réduite en cendres, en poussant des hurlements affreux." (55)
Translation :
"An Arada negress, midwife of the same [Rossignol-Desdunes] plantation, against whom such suspicions were made, was also brought before the same tribunal, where she confessed, laughing, that she had no greater pleasure than to destroy the human species, especially one that destined for slavery ; that she became, by this means, the liberator of the unfortunate mercenaries to whom existence was to be a burden. Reached and convinced by her own admission, this negress was condemned to the same punishment as the first accused. As she was advancing towards the brazier which was to consume her, she appeared repentant, and walked slowly, her head lowered, when suddenly, by an excess of rage and despair, snatching a girdle which held her shirt : she said, "if I have indeed deserved my fate ; the seventy knots of which this belt is garnished, indicate the quantity of children killed with my own hands, either by poison or by an execrable custom which made it a duty to take these young beings to a shameful slavery.
Being a midwife gave me opportunities to hold newborns in my hands, as soon as I pressed one of these victims, lest he/she should escape me, I instantly plunged a pin into his/her Brain, by the fontanelle : hence the mumps so murderous in this colony, and the cause of which is now known to you. I am now satisfied that I have nothing more to confess, and am going to join in my country, all that I left there." At these words she rushes forward intrepidly towards the devouring brazier, where she was soon reduced to ashes, uttering frightful cries."

E- The Manbo-priestesses and the initiated martyrs

The revisionists attempted to appropriate Manbo Cécile Fatiman, however, they ignore, or at least they disregard the many historical passages dealing with the great women officials of the ancestral worship (so-called "vodou") in the resistance. Far from these revisionists' assumptions, attributing islamic origins to whomever they want, without ever presenting direct evidence, we offer here tangible evidence from French soldiers chasing the rebels and the Manbo, these great officials, these Queens, who were at the heart of the struggle. These priestesses often served as martyrs, for from their often cruel deaths the struggle grew exponentially until the final victory, 12 years later.


The Creole Manbo from Fonds Parisien (Plaine du Cul-de-Sac)

We are in February 1792, barely 6 months after the Bois Caiman ceremony, a rebel camp located in Fonds Parisien, in Western Saint Domingue, was attacked, although protected by magical effects that only delayed French soldiers :



"Au mois de février 1792, nous marchâmes pour attaquer un camp de nègres qui était au fonds Parisien, dans la plaine du Cul-de-Sac.
L'armée était composée de deux mille hommes d'infanterie, et de quatre cents dragons coloniaux. J'étais toujours des avant-gardes, et choisi par M. le comte de Boutillier pour ces expéditions. En approchant du camp, nous fûmes bien étonnés de voir, sur le bord de la route, de grandes perches piquées en terre, sur lesquelles on avait attaché différents oiseaux morts, placés de différentes manières. Sur quelques-unes étaient des oiseaux crabiers; sur d'autres, des poules blanches, sur d'autres des poules noires. Dans le chemin étaient des oiseaux coupés, jetés de distance en distance, et entourés par des pierres artistement arrangées ; enfin, une huitaine d'oeufs cassés, et aussi entourés de grands cercles en zig-zag. Cela nous fit beaucoup rire.
Malgré tous ces prestiges, je poussai avec cinquante dragons. Après un petit quart d'heure de marche, j'aperçus le camp qui était couvert d'ajoupas, rangés comme les tentes des troupes. Quel fut mon étonnement, lorsque nous vîmes tous les noirs qui sautaient, et plus de deux cents négresses qui dansaient en chantant avec sécurité! Nous courûmes à toute bride sur le camp ; la danse fut bientôt finie ; les nègres prirent la fuite."
(56)
Translation :
"In the month of February, 1792, we marched to attack a camp of negroes which was at Fonds Parisien, in the plain of the Cul-de-Sac.
The army consisted of two thousand infantry and four hundred colonial dragoons. I was always a vanguard, and chosen by M. le Comte de Boutillier for these expeditions. On approaching the camp, we were greatly astonished to see, on the side of the road, large perches stuck in the ground, on which various dead birds had been attached, placed in different ways. Some of them were crab-birds ; on others, white chickens, on other black chickens. In the path were bird pieces, thrown from distance to distance, and surrounded by artistically arranged stones ; finally, eight broken eggs, and also surrounded by large zig-zag circles. That made us laugh a lot.

Despite all these prestige, I pushed with fifty dragoons. After a quarter of an hour's march I perceived the camp which was covered with huts, arranged like the troops tents. What was my astonishment when we saw all the blacks jumping, and more than two hundred negresses dancing, singing with security! We ran at full speed to the camp ; the dance was soon over ; the negroes fled."
The naysayers like to use this example to claim that the ancestral religion has not had an impact on the revolution. They pretend not knowing that no war, holy or not, takes place without loss of great persons' lives. They also readily overlook the continuation of this story in which the captured rebels, mostly women who chose not to flee, displayed the bravery that spiritual Forces and ancestral magic offered them. And we know that a fearless army is an invincible army. But that was only one aspect of the question. The mambo leading this ceremony chose not to flee, knowing however that her cruel death was certain. She offered herself bravely as a martyr, having understood that this was the tactical wish of the Lwa :



"A mon retour, les dragons qui étaient restés avec l'infanterie poursuivirent les négresses ; on en fit prisonnières deux cents, auxquelles on ne fit aucun mal. La grande prêtresse du Vaudou n'avait point fui ; elle fut prise ; au lieu de l'écouter, de prendre des renseignements sur ses desseins, on la tailla en pièces à coups de sabre. C'était une très-belle négresse, bien vêtue. Si je n'avais pas été à la poursuite des noirs, je n'aurais pas souffert qu'on l'eût massacrée, sans au moins avoir pris d'amples renseignements sur ses projets.
J'interrogeai plusieurs négresses en particulier ; j'en rencontrai de la petite habitation Gouraud, au fonds Parisien, qui me connaissaient ; elles ne pouvaient concevoir comment nous avions pu passer après les obstacles que la grande maîtresse du Vaudou avait multipliés sous nos pas. C'est l'assurance que cette négresse leur avait donnée, qui les avait tenues dans cette confiance et les faisait danser.
Comme j'étais resté un peu de temps sur un petit morne à les examiner, ils s'imaginèrent que nous étions fixés là par enchantement.
Cette prêtresse était une belle négresse créole, de l'habitation de Boynes, à ce que je crois, et un excellent sujet d'ailleurs."
(57)
Translation :
"On my return, the dragoons who had remained with the infantry pursued the negresses; two hundred of them were captured, to whom no harm was done. The Vodou high priestess had not fled ; she was taken ; instead of listening to her, to be informed on her designs, she was cut to pieces by saber strikes. She was a very beautiful negress, well dressed. If I had not been in the negroes' pursuit, I would not have allowed her to be massacred, without at least having taken much information on her plans.
I
questioned several negresses in particular ; I have met some of them on Gouraud's small estate in Fonds Parisien, they knew me ; they could not conceive how we had been able to pass after the obstacles which the great Vodou mistress had multiplied under our feet. It is the assurance that this negress had given them, who had kept them in that confidence and made them dance.
A
s I had stayed a little while on a small hill to examine them, they imagined that we were fixed there by enchantment.
T
his priestess was a beautiful Creole negress, of the Boynes estate, so I think, and an excellent subject too.
The Arada Manbo from Sainte Suzanne mountains
In 1796 (year 4) this other resisting Manbo was clearly identified as "Arrada" in origin, therefore of the ancient Kingdom of Dahomey (current Benin), and practicing "Vaudou" (Vodun), her ancestral ritual :



"En l'an 4, nous prîmes dans les montagnes de Sainte-Susanne une négresse d'Arrada. Elle était du Vaudou. Cette femme fut conduite au Cap ; on l'interrogea ; mais elle parlait peu le créole. Elle fut jugée par le noir Télémaque*****, et conduite sur la grande place au milieu d'une multitude de peuple de toute couleur. Les nègres et les négresses ne se cachaient pas pour dire qu'on ne pourrait avoir aucun pouvoir humain sur elle.
Télémaque fit un discours plein de chaleur, ne craignit pas de publier qu'il était honteux d'être noir, lorsqu'il voyait ses frères être aussi crédules. « Les cheveux de cette négresse, dit-il, qui sont si bien frisés, si bien couverts de mastic et de gomme, que vous croyez si puissants, vont tomber. » Il adressa ensuite quelques paroles à cette sorcière, qui, comme la Pythie, était placée devant un brasier et sur un petit trépied ; mais elle était triste et d'un grand sang froid. Alors il ordonna au bourreau nègre de lui couper les cheveux, qui tombèrent sous les ciseaux au grand étonnement de tous les crédules spectateurs. Ils ne furent pas moins surpris de voir ces cheveux sacrés dévorés par le feu dans lequel ils furent jetés. Cette femme fut reconduite en prison ; et, peu de jours après, on la confia sur une habitation à des noirs pour qui elle devint un objet de risée."
(58)
Translation :
"On year 4, we captured an Arrada negress in the Sainte-Susanne mountains. She was of Vodou. This woman was taken to Le Cap ; she was questioned ; but she spoke little Creole. She was judged by the black Télémaque*****, and conducted to the great square in the midst of a multitude of people of all colors. Negroes and negresses did not hide to say that there could be no human power over her.
Télémaque
made a speech full of warmth, not afraid to publish that he was ashamed to be black when he saw his brothers being so gullible. "The hair of this negress," said he, "are so well curled, so well covered with mastic and gum, which you think is so powerful, will fall." He then addressed a few words to this witch, who, like the Pythia, was placed before a brazier and a little tripod; But she was sad and cold-blooded. Then he ordered the black executioner to cut off her hair, which fell under the scissors to the astonishment of all the gullible spectators. They were no less surprised to see these sacred hair devoured by the brazier into which they were thrown. This woman was returned to prison ; and, a few days afterwards, she was entrusted on a dwelling to blacks for whom she became an object of ridicule." 
This great Arada officiator was humiliated because of her "Vaudou" heritage and the resistance that this spiritual weapon offered to the slave system. This heroine, like thousands of other Manbo and Hounsi, came out victorious. And the Service to the Vodun remains to this day, in a liberated country.

F- Women-soldiers of the first moments

The revolutionary effort was diverse. And the Saint Domingue women have used all their means to confront Western barbarism. To physically take up arms was only one of the means these heroines employed. But when we address women-soldiers in Haitian history, we must, from the outset, warn against the lies and exaggerations of Haitian feminists. For, from the historical point of view, they hardly differ from the muslim revisionists who do not respect anything ; not even the limits imposed by the truth. It is in this sense that the intellectual Marlene L. Daut falsely claims that Cécile Fatiman was a woman soldier :
"Other female revolutionaries include Cécile Fatiman, who assisted at the ceremony of Bois-Caiman and purportedly led a battalion at the important battle of Vertières (Madiou 3:47)." (59)
Obviously, Daut borrowed from Charlier's text, which confirmed that General Jean-Louis Pierrot - not his wife at the time - led a battalion at the Battle of Vertières. And taking the liberty that only Haitian intellectuals can afford, Marlene Daut, dared even credit Madiou who never mentioned Cécile Fatiman. Faced with such a gross falsification, one wonders what is so belittling in admitting that Cécile Fatiman was not a woman-soldier? And how, not having taken up arms (physically), harms her revolutionary heritage?

One only needs to not be lazy and to simply go through a few pieces of archives to realize that the Saint Domingue / Haitian woman has no need for her exploits being deceitfully magnified. Since the settlers' testimonies are very explicit about women's participation in the war. From the onset of the general uprising, women were at the head of the rebel platoons, at the heart of which were spiritual dance and traditional magic called Wanga (Ouanga) :


 "On sera peut-être bien aise de connaître leur manière d'attaquer. Leurs entreprises avaient quelque chose de vraiment effrayant, par la seule manière de s'y disposer et de commencer l'attaque. Jamais ils ne se tenaient serrés ni à découvert; mille noirs n'eussent pas attendu cent blancs en rase-campagne : ils s'avançaient d'abord avec un bruit effroyable, et précédés d'un grand nombre de femmes et d'enfants, chantant et hurlant en chorus. Arrivés non loin de l'ennemi, mais hors de portée, le plus profond silence était observé ; ils disposaient leurs troupes par pelotons dans tous les endroits fourrés, de manière qu'ils paraissaient six fois plus nombreux qu'ils n'étaient réellement. L'homme faible, déjà intimidé par cette multitude apparente d'ennemis, l'était encore plus par leurs grimaces, leurs simagrées, et par l'attention qu'avaient les noirs d'environner autant qu'ils pouvaient leur ennemi, comme pour lui couper tout espoir de retraite. Pendant ces dispositions, faites au milieu d'un silence imposant, des magiciens seuls se faisaient entendre en chantant et dansant avec des contorsions de démoniaques; ils opéraient des enchantements (ouanga) pour assurer le succès de l'attaque, et souvent ils s'avançaient jusqu'à la portée, dans la confiance que les coups de 1'ennemi ne pourraient les atteindre, et pour convaincre les noirs du pouvoir de leurs charmes. L'attaque commençait alors avec des cris et des hurlements capables d'épouvanter seuls les hommes faibles. " (60)
Translation :
"We may be glad to know how they attack. Their enterprises had something really frightening, by the way to dispose of it and start the attack. They never stood tight or uncovered; A thousand blacks would not have waited for a hundred whites in the open country; they advanced at first with a frightful noise, and preceded by a great number of women and children, singing and shouting in chorus. Arrived not far from the enemy, but out of reach, the deepest silence was observed ; They arranged their troops by squads in all the places stuffed, so that they appeared six times more numerous than they really were. The weak man, already intimidated by this apparent multitude of enemies, was still more so by their grimaces and their simulations, and by the attention which the blacks had to surround their enemy as much as they could, cut off any hope of retreat. During these arrangements, made in the midst of an imposing silence, magicians alone could be heard singing and dancing with contortions of demoniacs; They operated enchantments (ouanga) to ensure the attack's success, and often they advanced to the reach, in the confidence that the blows of the enemy could not reach them, and to convince the blacks of the power of their charms. The attack then began with cries and screams capable of frightening only weak men." 
Here is an anecdote demonstrating the impact of the belief in "ouanga" on the rebels intrepidity in defying death. This following scene took place at Grande-Rivière-du-Nord, the residence of Mazères, the author :



"Louis, chasseur, du quartier de la Grande-Rivière, tirait supérieurement un coup de fusil ; un nègre de la côte, plein de foi dans un sortilège acheté, lui dit un jour devant ce matelot : « Tu es bien adroit, tu ne manques jamais ton coup ; mais j'ai un ouanga, et je te défie de m'atteindre à vingt pas ». Louis accepte le défi: le malheureux s'entoure les reins d'une peau de lapin, et attend sans le moindre effroi le coup qui l'étend raide mort devant la porte même de l'habitation où se passait cette scène." (61)
Translation :
"Louis, a hunter, from the Grande-Rivière district, fired wonderfully one shot with a rifle ; A negro of the coast, full of faith in a purchased spell, said to him one day before this sailor : "You are very clever, you never miss your shot; but I have a ouanga, and I defy you to reach me at twenty paces. "Louis accepts the challenge : the unfortunate man surrounds himself with rabbit skin, and waits without fear the blow which extends him stiff dead before the very door of the dwelling where this scene took place." 
These descriptions leave no doubt, that the war tactics employed by the early years Haitian revolutionaries came exclusively from their traditional "African" heritage. The text speaks of a) women - and children - singing and yelling at the head of the militia ; b) magicians operating "ouanga" or wanga, a Bantu term (kikongo, ciluba, etc.) - and not Mandingo, Muslim, or Arabized ; then c) fearful harassment (composed of advances followed by loose withdrawals), in accordance with Bantu war practices up until Chaka Zulu's advent (early christian 19th century) that rendered this ineffective form of warfare obsolete in the southern part of the continent.


G- Women-soldiers of the last moments

The rebels' fighting strategies and tactics progressed tremendously since the 1791 general uprising. But, in spite of more than a decade of conflict, women presence remained unchanged among the rebels. Such a feminine inclusion within a regular army was unknown to both the West and the Arab-Muslim world, thus proving the "Africanity" of this military endeavor. Among the most celebrated women soldiers, we can single out :

Suzanne Bélair aka Sanite




Suzanne Bélair, nicknamed Sanite, a Woman-soldier who remained brave even when facing death. She, who, on October 5, 1802, faced the firing squad, with her husband Charles Bélair, commander of the Revolutionary Army's 7th Brigade. When her spouse was trembling, Suzanne Bélair, the brave, remained calm. Not being afraid of death, she refused, however, to be beheaded, and forced the executioner to shoot her, the fate reserved for soldiers, of which her husband Charles was entitled :
"Dans l'après-midi du 13 Vendémiaire (5 octobre) Charles Bélair, ainsi que son épouse, furent conduits entre deux pelotons de soldats blancs, derrière le cimetière du Cap. Quand on le plaça devant le détachement qui devait le fusiller, il entendit, avec calme, la voix de son épouse qui l'exhortait à mourir en brave. Au moment qu'il portait la main sur son coeur, il tomba atteint de plusieurs balles à la tête. Sannitte refusa de se laisser bander les yeux. Le bourreau, malgré ses efforts, ne put la courber contre le billot. L'officier qui commandait le détachement fut obligé de la faire fusiller." (62)
Translation :
"In the afternoon of the 13th Vendemiaire (October 5th) Charles Bélair and his wife were conducted between two platoons of white soldiers behind Le Cap cemetery. When he was placed before the detachment which was to shoot him, he listened calmly to the voice of his wife, who exhorted him to die as a brave man. As he touched his heart, he fell with several bullets in his head. Sannitte refused to allow herself to be blindfolded. The executioner, in spite of his efforts, could not bend her against the block. The officer who commanded the detachment was obliged to have her shot."

Marie-Jeanne Lamartinière





"Les indigènes remplissaient leurs habits de boue, et méprisant la mort, les jetaient sur les obus qu'ils éteignaient quelquefois. La résolution de mourir était peinte sur tous les visages. Chaque soldat était devenu un héros. Auraient-ils pu, ces braves, fléchir un instant, quand la voix courageuse d'une femme les exhortait à s'ensevelir sous les ruines du fort? Marie-Jeanne, femme de couleur [mulâtresse, donc Créole - pas mandingue ou musulmane], indigène du Port-Républicain, d'une éblouissante beauté, abandonnant les occupations de son sexe, venait, à chaque assaut que donnaient les Français, affronter la mort sur les remparts. Une ceinture d'acier, à laquelle était suspendu un sabre, entourait sa taille, et ses mains armées d'une carabine envoyaient hardiment le plomb meurtrier dans les rangs français. Elle avait lié sa destinée à celle de Lamartinière, et combattait toujours à ses côtés." (63)
Translation :
"The natives filled their clothes with mud, and despising death, threw them upon the shells which they sometimes extinguished. The resolution to die was painted on every face. Each soldier had become a hero. Would these brave men have been able to bow for a moment when the courageous voice of a woman exhorted them to bury themselves under the ruins of the fort? Marie-Jeanne, a woman of color [mulatto, therefore a Creole - not a Mandingo or a Muslim], a native of Port-Républicain, of dazzling beauty, abandoning the occupations of her sex, came at every assault given by the French to confront death on the ramparts. A steel belt, hung with a saber, surrounded her waist, and her hands armed with a rifle boldly sent the murderous lead into the French ranks. She had bound her destiny to that of Lamartiniere, and was still fighting at his side." 

The Women-soldiers at the legendary Crête-à-Pierrot battle

It was therefore in the order of things that women (including Marie-Jeanne) fought side by side with their men at Crête-à-Pierrot, one of the legendary confrontations of the 12-year revolutionary war. Without fear or pity, these women-soldiers even participated in the punitive convoys where they restored to the enemy the same cruelties that they received from him :
"Après une vive canonnade de six heures sur les troupes françaises, la horde révoltée sortit de son fort redoutable, pour se repaître à son aise de la vue des blessés qui, partie dans les fossés, partie déjà élancée vers les bastinguages, n'avaient pu être ramassés par leurs frères d'armes ! C'est là que, violant les droits sacrés de la guerre, ils martyrisèrent six soldats intrépides de la cinquième demi-brigade légère, par des tourments dont le récit seul fait horreur. Ces prisonniers étaient français, voilà tout leur crime ! Et moi français, j'étais témoin de ces supplices, et sans cesse exposé, au moindre signe de pitié, à éprouver le même sort, en attirant sur moi la coupable indignation des nègres qui me retenaient captif !
Les femmes, plus féroces encore, sortirent à la tête de cette légion démoniaque, dont la marche était annoncée par des cris affreux et confus. Le premier Français sur lequel ils se jetèrent était jeune; il est dépouillé, éventré, a le coeur arraché, rôti, mangé; tous s'abreuvent au ruisselement de ses artères! Il n'est plus !
Le second fut dévirilisé, eut les intestins arrachés, enfin fut rôti !
Le troisième plus âgé, se plaignant de leur dureté inhumaine, eut les membres cassés, et fut dépecé comme un animal…" (64)
Translation :
"After a sharp six-hour cannonade over the French troops, the revolted horde emerged from its formidable fort, to feed at the sight of the wounded, who had already gone into the moats, be gathered by their brothers in arms ! It was there that, violating the sacred rights of war, they martyred six intrepid soldiers of the fifth light half-brigade, by torments of which the narrative alone abhors. These prisoners were French, that is their crime! And being French, I witnessed these tortures, and incessantly exposed, at the least sign of pity, to experience the same fate by drawing upon me the guilty indignation of the negroes, who kept me captive !
The women, even more ferocious, came out at the head of this demonic legion, whose march was announced by frightful and confused cries. The first Frenchman on whom they threw themselves was young; he was stripped, ripped open, has his heart plucked, roasted, eaten; all drink the streams of its arteries! He is not anymore !
The second was castrated, had the intestines torn out, and finally roasted !
The third oldest, complaining of their inhuman hardness, had the limbs broken, and was dismembered like an animal..."

H- The soldiers' wives' resistance

As important as women-soldiers, were the wives of soldiers who directed, fed, supported and amplified their husbands' subversive actions.

Charlotte, Queen of the Haitian Revolution

Conscious of the complementarity of men and women, according to the traditional religion, the Saint Domingue revolutionaries chose as Supreme Leaders, a couple composed of Charlotte and Jean-François Papillon. Sacred Queen of the rebellion by Father Cachetan - which disproves that the revolution was muslim - Charlotte, taken prisoner, risked her life in the same way as her husband, King Jean-François :
"Le père Cachetan dont nous venons de parler, qui aurait pu comme tous les habitants de son quartier se retirer au Cap dès le principe de l’insurrection, préféra rester au milieu des nègres révoltés pour leur prêcher l’évangile de la foi, les faire persévérer dans une insurrection saine et légitime à ses yeux. Il couronna solennellement le nègre Jean-François et la négresse Charlotte roi et reine des Africains, et chefs de la révolte.
(...)
Un mulâtre et un nègre furent rompus. La négresse Charlotte, femme de Jean-François roi des Africains, avait été condamnée à subir le même tourment, mais dans la crainte que les révoltés n’usassent de représailles sur les femmes blanches qu’ils avaient en leur pouvoir, l’Assemblée générale fit surseoir à son exécution jusqu’à nouvel ordre."
(65)
Translation :
"Father Cachetan, of whom we have just spoken, who could have, like all the inhabitants of his neighborhood, retired to Le Cap from the beginning of the insurrection, preferred to remain among the negroes in revolt to preach the gospel of faith to them, to make them persevere in a sound and legitimate insurrection in his eyes. He solemnly crowned the negro Jean-Francois and the negress Charlotte king and queen of the Africans, and leaders of the revolt.
(...)
A mulatto and a negro were broken. The negress Charlotte, the wife of Jean-Francois, king of the Africans, had been condemned to suffer the same torment, but lest the rebels should retaliate against the white women they had in their power, the General Assembly suspended her execution until further notice
."

Women from the "Big House" or House Negresses, the Revolution's entrails

The revolutionary contribution of black women of status (or from the Big House) is the most underestimated element of the Haitian revolution. If these women's importance does not surprise their Haitian offspring, however, among Black peoples who did not wage war for their liberation, especially Black Americans, House Negroes (men or women) are falsely considered traitors. Now, as regards to Saint Domingue it was the contrary. The whole revolution revolved around women and men from the Big House or in domestic positions, either for the collection of strategic information, the misinformation of the enemy, the supply of various resources, the practices of poisoning, and so on. The revolutionary devotion of the Negress of the House, married to revolutionary officers, was such that the French acknowledged, in case of the island's reconquest, that it would be impossible from them to rally these "Négresses de grande case" or "Negresses from the big house" either by force or by Persuasion :



"Quant aux femmes, formant au moins la moitié de la population de l'île, la crainte des châtimens les fera bientôt rentrer dans le devoir ; il n'y a guères que celles appelées négresses de grande case, qui, dans les villes et les plaines, ont presque toutes vécu avec les officiers nègres, ou privilégiés dans cette couleur, qui conservent de la haine et de l'acharnement contre les blancs ; celles tenant à la culture, que le luxe et l'oisiveté n'ont pas gâtées, trouveront toujours plus d'intérêt à nous rester fidèles et à jouir, sous un gouvernement tranquille, des petits produits que dans des momens de loisir leur procurera leur industrie." (66)
Translation :
"As for women, forming at least half the island's population, the fear of punishment will soon make them return to duty ; there are scarcely more than those called "negresses de grande case", "Negresses from the big house", who, in towns and plains, have almost always lived with the negro officers, or the privileged in that color, who retain hatred and fury against the whites ; those of culture, which luxury and idleness have not spoiled, will find it ever more interesting to remain faithful to us, and to enjoy, under a tranquil government, small products, that at moments of leisure, they will procure by their industry."

I- The ruthless women

In the end, generally speaking, the traditional Saint Domingue (Haitian) woman posed more problems to the slave system than man. Several settlers and white soldiers have made this observation, demonstrating a contrast to the woman that is submissive in islam :
"Les négresses étaient infiniment plus insolentes, plus dures & moins portées à rentrer dans le devoir que les nègres." (67)
Translation :
"The negresses were infinitely more insolent, harder, and less inclined to return to duty than the negroes."
Settlers who were unfortunate enough to be captured report abuse they have suffered. Again, the Saint Domingue woman participated in all aspects of the war, and they were the most formidable torturers, especially to the white women prisoners who had so humiliated them during slavery :
"Alors, pour la première fois, il fut permis de pénétrer l'obscurité qui environnait le sort des malheureux de tout sexe tombés entre les mains des brigands, qui n'avaient laissé la vie à plusieurs d'entre-eux que pour les accabler d'outrages mille fois plus cruels que la mort. On l'apprit enfin par le rapport des prisonniers délivrés, et dont un grand nombre ne put survivre à la liberté que les vainqueurs venaient de leur rendre, surtout parmi les femmes, dont bien peu avaient été exemptes ou avaient résisté aux traitements les plus ignominieux : les négresses principalement manifestèrent envers elles une rage à laquelle la fureur et l'insolence des hommes ne pouvait être comparée. Mais en général l'insurrection des noirs fut accompagnée de traits de férocité dignes de figurer dans l'histoire des temps modernes. " (68)
"Les habitants du Limbé, ainsi que je l’ai déjà dit plus avant, ne vinrent pas plutôt la flamme dévorer leurs riches possessions qu’ils crurent ne devoir différer plus longtemps à chercher un asile plus sûr; presque tous s’étaient rassemblés dans le presbytère : le danger pressant, ils furent obligés de gagner le rivage où les attendaient les chaloupe et d’abandonner à la discrétion d’un ennemi barbare, ce qu’ils avaient de plus cher au monde. Alors les révoltés maîtres absolus du quartier n’eurent rien de plus pressé que de s’emparer de toutes les malheureuses femmes éparses et isolées sur leurs propriétés. Ils les reléguèrent au presbytère de la paroisse où le père Philémon fut institué leur gardien. Mais que n’ont pas souffert ces infortunées tant de la part des brigands que de ce scélérat de Philémon? Chacune d’elles fut l’objet de leurs infâmes récréations, le jeune sexe même n’a pas été exempté de cette abominable servitude! Après les avoir fait travailler toute la journée au jardin ou à la cuisine, commandée par des négresses, on les renfermait dans l’église, ou le père Philémon, comme dans un sérail, venait choisir le soir celle avec qui il devait passer la nuit et livrait les autres aux brigands qui se jettaient en foule parmi elles et abusaient à l’excès de leur faiblesse. Ce commerce infâme et tolérée par un ministre de la religion, dura l’espace de deux mois c’est à dire jusques au moment de la délivrance de ces malheureux, le jour où enfin M. Touzard fait une descente dans le quartier." (69)
Translation :
"Then, for the first time, it was permitted to penetrate the darkness which surrounded the fate of the wretches of every sex who had fallen into the brigands hands, who had left the lives of several of them only to overwhelm them with outrages a thousand times more cruel than death. Lastly, it was learned by the report of the prisoners who had been rescued, and many of whom could not survive the liberty which the conquerors had just given them, especially among women, of whom few had been exempted, or had resisted the most ignominious treatment : The negresses chiefly manifested towards them a rage to which the fury and insolence of men could not be compared. But in general the insurrection of the blacks was accompanied by traits of ferocity worthy of appearing in the history of modern times. " 

"The Limbé inhabitants, as I have said before, did not rather come to the flames to devour their rich possessions, which they thought would not have to defer longer to seek a more secure asylum ; almost all of them had assembled in the presbytery. The danger was urgent; they were obliged to reach the shore where the boat awaited them, and to abandon at the discretion of a barbarian enemy, what they had most dear in the world. Then the revolted, absolute masters of the quarter, had nothing more urgent than to seize all the unfortunate women scattered and isolated on their estates. They relegated them to the parish's presbytery where Father Philémon was instituted their guardian. But what did these unfortunate beings suffer, both from the brigands and from the scoundrel of Philémon? Each of them was the object of their infamous recreations, even the young sex was not exempt from this abominable servitude! After having worked them all day in the garden or in the kitchen, commanded by negresses, they were shut up in the church, or Father Philémon, as in a seraglio, came to choose the evening with whom he was to spend the night And delivered the others to the brigands, who threw themselves in crowds among them, and abused the excess of their weakness. This trade, infamous and tolerated by a minister of religion, lasted for two months, that is to say, until these unfortunates' deliverance, on the day when M. Touzard made a descent into the quarter."

In conclusion, it was ridiculous to present Cécile Fatiman as a muslim, and the Haitian revolution as the work of islam. For this misogynist religion would not have made such a place for women in the struggle. It must be remembered that in islam :
  • A woman's body, according to islam, must be hidden from any man with the exception of her close family members and her slaves. (Quran 24 : 31 ; 33:55 ; 33 : 59).
  • Women can be married even at pre-pubescent age : "those who have not menstruated." (Quran 65 : 4).
  • Slavery is not only allowed, but intercourse is prohibited with married women, "except those (captives) your right hands possess." (Quran 4 : 24)
  • The woman's body is described as a field that must be plowed as you please : "Your wives are a place of sowing of seed for you, so come to your place of cultivation however you wish and put forth [righteousness] for yourselves." (Quran 2 : 223)
  • Women, according to islam, are "deficient in intelligence and religion" and are inferior to men, hense, "the evidence of two women equal to the witness of one man." (Sahîh Bukhari : 6 : 301)
  • Also according to islam, the woman is predestined to hell : "O women! Give alms, as I have seen that the majority of the dwellers of Hell-fire were you (women)." (Sahîh Bukhari : 6 : 301)
  • And need we discuss the muslims' enslaving and misogynist paradise in which restrained virgins await to service men ? (Al Rahman 55 : 56-72)
Let's contrast this muslim contempt for women with the privileged status - in the regal sense - of women in the traditional religion. For example, I personally am :
  1. a Houngan asògwe or grand officiator, who is the spiritual heir
  2. to a woman (Manbo asògwe) who also is
  3. heiress to a woman, who was
  4. heiress to a man, who was
  5. heir to a woman.
  6. And so forth, going back in time and generations.
It can therefore be said that gender is not at all a factor in the Haitian ancestral religion that produced the Bois Caïman ceremony. This religion has many sacred songs that evoke unequivocally this effective equality of the sexes, and woman's importance. Here is one of the most comical :

Pa pale fanm mal o.
Pinga pale fanm mal o.
Fanm gen yon dousè ladan l,
Si w kwè m manti goute non.
Translation :

Don't slander women.
Do not dare to slander women. 

Women possess some kind of sweetness,
If you think I'm lying, have a taste
.




* Bey Hussein I (1705-1735), with whom Theodore had years of interaction, had in his family a considerable number of women named "Fatima" (70) or "Fatma" ; including Lalla Fatima el-Ghazaliya, Lalla Fatima bint 'Usman, two of his three wives ; then Lalla Fatima, one of his four daughters.
In addition, Lalla Aisha, the second wife of his successor and Theodore's benefactor, Ali I (1736-1756), was Lalla Fatima bint 'Usman's
daughter. Similarly, Sidi Muhammad Bey, one of Ali I's sons, took Lalla Fatima as wife.
Besides, the revisionists would love to know that Theodore I was also exposed to the christian name of "Bookman", since 53 years before the Bois Caïman ceremony, he was doing business with a Dutch banker of that name :

"Dès le mois d’octobre 1738, Théodore avait demandé au capitaine Bigani de prévenir Drost d’avoir à le rejoindre à Naples, les frais du voyages devant être assurés par les sieurs Bookman et Evers. Lettre à Bigani, sous couvert de Bookman et Evers, non datée.
(...)
Bookman, homme d'affaires hollandais...
Bookman & Evers, banquiers..." (71) 
Translation :
"As early as October 1738, Theodore had asked Captain Bigani to warn Drost of having to meet him at Naples, the journeys expenses would be assured by Sirs Bookman and Evers. Letter to Bigani, under cover of Bookman and Evers, undated.
(...)
Bookman, Dutch businessman...
Bookman & Evers, bankers"
And, further discrediting the urban legend that the name "Boukman" came from Jamaica in relation to islam, in Corsica in 1738, Theodore I, called himself several christian names including "Bookman" :

"En janvier 1738, le "Mercure historique et politique de Hollande" fait l'éloge de Neuhoff, le "libérateur" de la Corse. Dans l'île, à part des Zicavais (de Zicavo), on ne s'occupe plus guère de Neuhoff qui change régulièrement de noms et d'adresses ; tantôt, il se fait appeler : Villeneuve, Bookman, baron Kepre…, et tantôt, il se dit "marchand de Venise" ou "citoyen de Lucques." (72)
Translation :
"On January 1738, the "Mercure historique et politique de Hollande" (Historical and Political Mercury of Holland) praised Neuhoff, the "liberator" of Corsica. On the island, apart from the Zicavs (of Zicavo), Neuhoff, who regularly changes names and addresses, is no longer regarded ; Sometimes he calls himself Villeneuve, Bookman, Baron Kepre, and sometimes he says he is a "merchant from Venice" or a "citizen from Lucca.""
** The figures of 4 to 14% put forward by Susan Buck-Morss are only a poor attempt to artificially inflate the number of captives likely to be islamized in Saint Domingue. Like all the revisionists, Buck-Morss didn't hesitate in applying data from the whole of the slave trade to Saint Domingue, the main subject of her analysis. But nowhere else than in Saint Domingue an anti-slavery revolution took place, and succeeded. Moreover, the revisionist proposes a muslim presence in various corners of the "African" continent, such as the Gulf of Benin and the Mozambique Coast, while islam was not established there during the time of Saint Domingue.
In fact, apart from a small islamic contribution from here and there, only Senegambia (Senegal, Gambia, Guinea Conakry, Guinea Bissau, Mali and part of Mauritania) (73) offered quantifiable more or less islamized captives to Saint Domingue. But that was a very small number. Because the data collected by Slavevoyages.org (74) indicate that only 7.05% of the captives disembarked in Saint Domingue came from this Senegambian region. And of these, the majority was purely traditionalist, due to the fact that islam reached the "West African" masses only during their colonial period (75) in the 19-20th centuries ; therefore, after Haiti's independence.
Moreover, were of Senegambian origin, only 5.9% of the captives of Northern Saint Domingue where the general uprising broke out and the Bois Caïman ceremony held. However, 51.7% of Northern Saint Domingue captives came from the highly traditionalist "Central Africa" ; while 22.5% were from the Gulf of Benin, proud Vodun servants.
Finally, for comparison, no revolution or serious attempt at revolutions was reported in Spanish South America where Senegambians formed the majority of captives at 63.91%. Similarly, the colonies where the Senegambians formed the most numerous group : French Guiana (26.75%), the United States (24.36%), were extremely peaceful in comparison to the revolutionary and predominantly traditionalist Saint Domingue.
*** Makandal or Macandal was not muslim. We have demonstrated it elsewhere. And we might reproduce it here, if we find the time.
**** Jean Fouchard. Les Marrons de la liberté, 2e ed. Port-au-Prince, 1988. p.412.
***** But who was this black judge that mistreated the Manbo? He was none other than César Télémaque, a "nègre vraiment français", or a "truly French Negro", as French author D'Aval (76) put it. In other words, he was the very prototype of a sellout. Born in Martinique, he lived 49 of his 60 years in France where he was 36 years married to a French (white) woman, at the time of this event. He arrived in Saint Domingue that same year of 1796, and, like all the French metropolitans, he felt a profound disdain for every element of the ancestral civilization - if we may say so. Leclerc appointed him Cap Français' mayor, for having comforted the whites after the fires sparked by rebel general Henry Christophe. The same Christophe who, in 1806, was the object of César Télémaque's malversations, following the assassination of the Liberator, the Emperor Jacques I, known as Dessalines. This pro-Western César Télémaque whom the Emperor, on April 21, 1804, made the mistake of sparing out of pity (77), - after he preferred death instead of hanging a white Frenchman. He seated as president of the Constituent Assembly, which overnight inflated the number of parishes from 23 to 41 in the Western and Southern provinces in order to obtain deputy majority and thus sabotage the legitimate power of Henry Christophe, the second in rank after Dessalines. In short, he became a senator for six years, in 1806, and was a signatory of the constitution of the West, that had broken up from the North of the country. César Télémaque, this black shameful of his race, was one of the architects of the counterrevolutionary Banana Republic that is currently Haiti.



Notes
------
(1) Hérard-Dumesle describes the officiator's gesture in these words: "Not far from this place [Morne Rouge, place of the August 14, 1791 meeting] another assembly offered the gods a new sacrifice ; there a pig was sacrificed, and a young virgin was the Pythia, who consulted the palpitating entrails of the victim ; she lifted her innocent hands towards heaven, and exclaimed with the accent of inspiration, that the divinity was propitious to an enterprise surrounded by so many happy omens. Imaginations, exalted by the idea of the endured sufferings, no longer hesitated to run to arms.
The next day it was near midnight (August 23 to 24), when the tocsin signaled the disaster. [In fact, the insurrection erupted on the night of August 22-23, placing the sacrificial ceremony the day before, rather on the night of August 21-22.]" (Translated) Hérard-Dumesle. Voyage dans le Nord d’Hayti ou révélations des lieux et des monumens historiques. Cayes, 1824. p.89.
(2) Jean Fouchard. Les Marrons du syllabaire : quelques aspects du problème de l'instruction et de l'éducation des esclaves et affranchis de Saint-Domingue. Port-au-Prince, 1953
(3) Étienne D. Charlier. Aperçu sur la formation historique de la Nation haitienne. Port-au-Prince, 1954. p.49.
(4) "On the night of the 14th of August, one of the future leaders of the revolt, Bouckman had assembled conspirators at Bois-Caiman, a place set aside, far from prying eyes, and there, during an imposing voodou ceremony presided over by an old African negress, denounced the God of the Whites and put the freedom of his brothers in misfortune under the protection of the God of the Africans." (Translated) Étienne D. Charlier. Ibid.
(5) General Rameau's genealogy can be found on this non official page:  http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~htiwgw/familles/fiches/041518.htm, what's however unanimous, is that the General 's testimony, of great precision, is backed the official data from the Royal Almanac (L'Almanach Royal D'Hayti) that marks the birthdate of Queen Marie-Louise, by 3 year Cécile Fatiman (Attiman) Pierrot's younger sister.
(6) Gérard Barthélémy. "Propos sur le Caïman : Incertitudes et hypothèses nouvelles". In : Chemins Critiques, Vol 2. No 3, Mai 1992. pp-33-58.
(7) Charles Najman. Haïti, Dieu seul me voit. Paris, 1995. p.158.
(8) Sylviane A. Diouf. Servants of Allah : African Muslims enslaved in the Americas. New York, 1998. p.229.
(9) Gedichte von Ludwig Uhland. "The knight of Saint George". In: The Benares Magazine. Vol 3. No. 1. January 1850. p.51.
(10) « Les Afiches Américaines » du 26 Avril 1783, parution no. 17. p.217 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=719
(11) « Les Afiches Américaines » du 17 Avril 1784, parution no. 15. p.241 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=2118
(12) « Les Afiches Américaines » du 24 Juin 1789, parution no. 51. p.341 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=8172
(13) « Les Affiches Américaines » du 6 julliet 1774, parution no. 27. p.314 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=171
(14) « Les Affiches Américaines » du 11 mai 1785, parution no. 19. p.216 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/fr/lire.php?type=annonce&id=7465
(15) « Les Affiches Américaines », Supplément du mercredi 8 frévrier 1786, parution no. 6. p.70 ;
URL : http://www.marronnage.info/fr/lire.php?type=annonce&id=612
(16) « Les Affiches Américaines » du 6 November 1771, parution no. 45, p.486 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=9623
(17) « Les Affiches Américaines » du 25 juillet 1780, parution no. 30. p. 233 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=1438
(18) La clef du cabinet des princes de l'Europe ou recueil historique et politique sur les matières du tems. Tome LXV. Juillet 1736. Luxembourg, 1736. p. 24.
(19) La clef du cabinet des princes de l'Europe ou recueil historique et politique sur les matières du tems. Tome LXV. Juillet 1736. Luxembourg, 1736. p. 17.
(20)  La clef du cabinet des princes de l'Europe ou recueil historique et politique sur les matières du tems. Tome LXV. Juillet 1736. Luxembourg, 1736. pp. 24, 26.
(21) Julia Gasper. Theodore Von Neuhoff, King of Corsica: The Man Behind the Legend. Newark, 2013. p.96 ; Also called "Grégoire Attiman" : Le courrier No. 104, du mardi 25 décembre 1736.
(22) Mercure Historique et Politique du janvier 1737. p.36.
(23) The Critical Review, Or, Annals of Literature. Volume 24. London, 1798. p.237.
(24) Giacomo Casanova. Histoire de ma vie. Vol.6. Leipzig, 1962. p.348.
(25) The New American Cyclopaedia : A Popular Dictionary of General knowledge. Volume 12. Edited by George Ripley, Charles Anderson Dana. New York. 1863. p.207.
(26) Earl Leslie Griggs. Henry Christophe & Thomas Clarkson: A Correspondence. Berkeley & Los Angeles, 1952. p.79.
(27) Thomas Madiou. Histoire d'Haïti. Tome 6. 2éd. Port-au-Prince, 1988. pp.226-227.
(28) Beaubrun Ardouin. Études sur l'histoire d'Haïti. Vol. 9. Paris, 1860. p.57. 
(29) Charles Dupuy. Le Coin de l'Histoire. Tome I, 2e édition. Port-au-Prince, 2003. p.18.
(30) Susan Buck-Morss. Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Illuminations: Cultural formations of the Americas). Pittsburgh, 2009. p.141.
(31) Gustave d'Alaux, Maxime Rayband. L'empereur Soulouque et son empire. Paris, 1840. p.64.
(32) J.C. Dorsainvil. Histoire d'Haïti & F.I.C. Histoire d'Haïti. Port-au-Prince, 1942. p.158. Riché :
"était le grand ennemi de toutes les sectes superstitieuses. Il poursuivit avec vigueur ceux qui pratiquaient les cérémonies et les danses "vaudou""
(33) Milo Rigaud. La tradition Voudoo et le Voudoo haïtien : Son Temple, ses Mystères, Sa Magie. Paris, 1953. p.71.
(34) Milo Rigaud. Op. Cit. p.77.
(35) J.C. Dorsainvil. Op. Cit. p.206.
(36) Alcius Charmant. Haiti: vivra-t-elle. Le Havre, 1905. pp.179-80. (Cité par Michael Largey. Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism. Chicago, 2006. p.68.
(37) Jafrikayiti. Viv Bondye aba relijyyon!. Ottawa. 2000. pp. 44-46.
(38) Les Affiches Américaines du mercredi 15 juillet 1789, parution no. 45, p.941. ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=8169
(39) Les Affiches Américaines samedi du 24 février 1787, parution no. 8, p.705. ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=8779
(40) Supplément aux Affiches Américaines du samedi 3 décembre 1774, parution no. 48, p.573. ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=305
(41) Les Affiches Américaines du mercredi 9 août 1775, parution no. 32, p.374. ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=1536
(42) Les Affiches Américaines du mercredi 25 janvier 1775, parution no. 4, p.38. ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=1683
(43) Les Affiches Américaines du mercredi 17 mars 1785, parution no. 11, p.130. ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/fr/lire.php?type=annonce&id=7343

(44) Supplément aux Affiches Américaines du samedi 15 juin 1771, parution no.24, p.244 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/fr/lire.php?type=annonce&id=3019
(45) Supplément aux Affiches Américaines du samedi 13 juin 1789, parution no.36, p.903 ; URL : http://www.marronnage.info/en/lire.php?type=liste&id=8516
(46)
Sébastien Jacques Courtin. Mémoire sommaire sur les prétendues pratiques magiques et empoisonnements prouvés aux procès instruits et jugés au Cap contre plusieurs Nègres et Négresses dont le chef, nommé François Macandal, a été condamné au feu et exécuté le vingt janvier 1758. (A.N. COLONIES F3. 88).
(47) Ibid.
(48) Ibid.
(49) Ibid.

(50) Ibid.
(51) Ibid.
(52) Carteaux J. Félix. Histoire des désastres de Saint Domingue.  Paris. 1802. p.301.
(53) Michel Descourtilz . Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 1795. p.90.
(54) Supplément aux Affiches Américaines du mercredi 1 mars 1786, parution no.9, p.110 ;  URL : http://www.marronnage.info/fr/lire.php?type=annonce&id=659
(55) Michel Pierre Descourtilz. Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations faites sur les trois ... Volume 3.  Paris. 1809. pp.119-120.
(56) Colonel Malenfant. Des colonies et particulièrement de celle de Saint-Domingue : mémoire historique. Paris, 1814. pp. 217-218. 
(57) Colonel Malenfant. Op. Cit. pp. 218-219.
(58) Colonel Malenfant. Op. Cit. pp. 219-220

(59) Marlene L. Daut. Tropics of Haiti : Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789-1865. Liverpool, 2015. p. 208.
(60) Michel Descourtilz . Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 1795. p.193.
(61) Mazères. De l'Utilité des colonies, des causes intérieures de la perte de Saint-Domingue et des moyens d'en recouvrer la possession - Paris, 1814. p.66.
(62) Thomas Madiou. Histoire Haïti. Tome 2. Port-au-Prince, 1847. p.329.
(63) Thomas Madiou.
Op. Cit. pp.221-222.
(64) Michel Pierre Descourtilz. Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations... Volume 3.  Paris. 1809. pp.355-356
(65) François-Alexandre Beau. La Révolution de Saint-Domingue, contenant tout ce qui s’est passé dans la colonie française depuis le commencement de la Révolution jusqu’au départ de l’auteur pour la France, le 8 septembre 1792. Inédit. F 3 141, Archives nationales d’outre mer (ANOM).
(66) A.P.M. Laujon. Précis historique de la dernière expédition de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 1805. pp. 234-235.
(67) Verneuil Gros. Isle de St. Domingue : Province du Nord. Paris, 1793. p.13.
(68) Michel Descourtilz . Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 1795. p.195.
(69) François-Alexandre Beau. Op. Cit.
(70) Source: "The Royal Ark". URL : http://www.royalark.net/Tunisia/tunis2.htm
(71) Antoine Laurent Serpentini. Théodore de Neuhoff, roi de Corse : Un aventurier européen du XVIIIe siècle. Albiana. 2011. pp.339, 444.
(72) Jean-Claude Di Pasquale. Les fils de la liberté: les fils de Pasquale Paoli. Paris, 2007. p.150.
(73) Selon Boubacar Barry. Senengambia and the Atlantic Slave. Paris, 1998. p.xi.
(74) Source : "SlavesVoyages.org" - Cumulatif de la traite par colonie (1501-1866) ; URL : http://slavevoyages.org/assessment/estimates
(75) Koumbouna Keïta. "Les religions traditionnelles et l'islam comme facteur d'intégration". In : Ethiopiques No. 57-58: Revue semestrielle de culture négro-africaine ; 1er et 2e semestres 1993. URL : http://ethiopiques.refer.sn/spip.php?page=imprimer-article&id_article=1177
(76) Voir Cousin D'Aval. Histoire de Toussaint-Louverture, chef des noirs insurgés de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 1802. p.125.
(77) Thomas Madiou. Histoire d'Haïti. Tome 3. 2e éd. Port-au-Prince, 1989. p. 172.  




How to cite this article:
Rodney Salnave. "Cécile Fatiman wasn't muslim". January 13, 2017
; Updated Feb. 28, 2017. [online] URL: http://bwakayiman.blogspot.ca/2016/12/cecile-fatiman-wasnt-muslim.html ; Retrieved on [enter date]


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